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PROCEEDINGS 


THE    SOCIETY 


BIBLICAL    ARCHEOLOGY. 


JANUARY 


DECEMBER,    1896. 


VOL.    XVIII.     TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION. 


PUBLISHED    AT 

THE     OFFICES     OF     THE     SOCIETY, 
37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Eloomsbury,  W.C. 

1896. 


HARRISON    AND   SONS, 
PHINTKRS    IN    ORUINARV    TO    HER    MAJESTY, 

sr.  martin's  lane,  lonoon. 


COUNCIL,     1896. 


President. 
Sir  p.  le  Page  Renouf,  Knt. 

Vice-Presidents. 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

The  Most  Noble  the  Marquess  of  Bute,  K.T.,  &c.,  &c. 

The  Right  Hon  Lord  Amherst  of  Hackney. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Halsbury.  ^ 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  M.P,,  D.C.L.,  &c. 

F.  D.  Mocatta,  F.S.A.,  &c. 

Walter  Morrison,  M.P. 

Sir  Charles  Nicholson,  Bart.,  D.C. L.,  M.  D.,  &c. 

Rev.  George  Rawlinson,  D.D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 


Council. 


Rev.  Charles  James  Ball,  M.A. 

Arthur  Gates. 

Rev.  Prof.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  D.D. 

Thomas  Christy,  F.L.S. 

Dr.  J.  Hall  Gladstone,  F.R.S. 

Charles  Harrison,  F.  S.A. 

Gray  Hill. 

Prof.  T.  Hayter  Lewis,  F.S.A. 

Rev,  Albert  Lowy,  LL.D.,  &c. 


Rev.  James  Marshall,  M.A. 

Claude  G.  Montefiore. 

Walter  L.  Nash,  F.S.A. 

Alexander  Peckover,  F.S.A. 

Prof.  F.  Pierret. 

J.  Pollard. 

Edward  B.  Tylor,  LL.D.,  F.R.S. 

&c. 
E.  Towry  Whyte,  M.A.,  F.S.A. 


Honorary  Treasurer — Bernard  T.  Bosanquet. 
Secretary — W.  Harry  Rylands,  F.S.A. 
Honorary  Seortary  for  Foreign  Correspondence — Rev.  R.  Gwynne,  B.A. 
Honorary  Librarian — William  Simpson,  F.  R.G.S. 


CONTENTS. 


Donations  to  Library            45,  79,  147,  163,  193,  241 

Nomination  of  Candidates  ...          ...  2,  46,  80,  148,  194,  242 

Election  of  Members           ...          ...  1,  46,  80,  148,  164,  242 

Errata            ...          ...          ...          ...  ...          ...          ...         no 

Notices  of  decease  of  Members      ...  ...         ...         ...         193 

No.  cxxxiv.     Janu.\ry. 

Secretary's  Report,  1895     ...          ...          ...          ...          ...  3-5 

Council  and  Officers  for  the  year  1896      ...          ...          ...  6 

P.  LE  Page  Renouf  {President).     The  Book  of  the  Dead. 

Chapter  CXXV,  Part  IV  (Z'A^/efj)         7-16 

Prof.  Dr.  Fritz  Hommel.     Assyriological  Notes        ...  17-24 
RoiiERT  Brown,  Jr.,   F.S.A.      Euphratean   Stellar   Re- 
searches {continued)         ...         ...          ...          ...          ...  25-44 

Statement  of  Receipts  and  E.xpenditure  for  the  year  ending 

the  31st  December,  1895            ...          ...          ...          ...  45 

No.  cxxxv.     February. 

P.  LE  P.vGE  Renouf  (President).     The  Book  of  the  Dead, 

Notes  to  Chapter  CXXV  {continued)     ...         ...  ...     47-53 

F.  L.  Griffith.     Chaereu  to  Hermopolis  on  a  Bilingual 

Milestone 54,55 

W.   M.   Flinders  Pktrie,   D.C.L.,   Szc.     The  Arrange 

ment  of  the  XX  1st  Dynasty  (/Ya/f)       ...  ...  ...     56-64 

The  Hon.  Miss    Plunket.     ■J>^^   {G^Ot    the   Eleventh 

Constellation  of  the  Zodiac        ...         ...         ...         ...  65-70 

Rev.  A.  J.  Delattre,  S.J.     A-niur-ri  o\x  A-har-ril     ...  71-75 

Alfred  Boissier.     Lettre  de  Laba  au  roi  d'Egypte      ...  76-78 


CONTENTS. 


No.  cxxxvi,     March. 


P.  LE  Page  Renouf  {President).     The  Book  of  the  Dead, 

Notes  to  Chapter  CXXV  (rw/z'/w^i?^) 81-85 

Rev.  Dr.  M.   Friedlander. — Some  Fragments  of  the 
Hebrew  Bible  with  PecuUar  Abbreviations  and  Peculiar 
Signs  for  Vowels  and  Accents   ...  ...         ...         •..     86-98 

R.   D.   FoTHERiNGHAM,  B.A.     Some   Considerations  re- 
garding Professor  Petrie's  Egyptian  Chronology  ...    99-102 
F.L.Griffith.     Note  on  Demotic  Philology    ...         ...   103-105 

Joseph  Offord,  Junr.     The  name  Chaereu       ...         ...       106 

Prof.  Savce. — Roman  Inscriptions  at  Assuan   ...         ...   107-109 


No.  cxxxiv.     April. 


P.   LE  Page   Renouf  {President).     The   God 


^■Sl1-I'^\x-| 


p.  LE  Page  Renouf  {President).     The  Book  of  the  Dead 

Notes  to  Chapter  CXXV  {continued) 
Prof.  Wm.  F.  Petrie,  D.C.L.     Note  on  Chronology    .. 
Rev.  C.  J.  Ball,  M.A.     The  Blessing  of  Moses  (Deut 

xxxiii) 
E.  TowRv  Whyte,  M.A.,  F.S.A.— Some  Remarks  on  the 

Sepulchral  Figures  usually  called  Ushabti.     (10  Plates)  138-146 


III,  112 

113-117 
117 

118-137 


No.  cxxxviii.     May. 


P.  LE  Page  Renouf  {President).     The  Book  of  the  Dead. 

(3  Plates) 149-155 

J.  Offord,  Jun. — The  Nude  Goddess  in  Assyrio-Baby- 

lonian  Art  156,157 

Alfred  BoissiER.— Bas-Reliefs  de  Tiglat-Pileser  III    ...   158-160 

E.  TowRY  Whyte. — Sepulchral    Figures    usually  called 

Ushabti 161 


VI  CONTENTS. 

TACili 

No.  cxxxix.     June. 

Sir  p.  le  Page  Renouf  {President).     The  Book  of  the 

Dead.     Notes  to  Chapter  CXXVIII 165-169 

Professor  A.  H.  Savce.     Assyriological  Notes.     No.  I      170-186 
Dr.  W.  Max  Muller. — On  a  Hieroglyphic  Sign  ...    1 87-1 91 

No.  cxL.     November. 

F.   Ll.  Griffith. — Stela  of  Mentuhetep,  Son  of  Hepy. 

{Plate)      195-204 

Rev.   C.   H.  W.   Johns,   M.A.— A   New   Eponym  List. 

82-5-22,  121       205-207 

Dr.   M.  Gaster. — -Two  Unknown  Hebrew  Versions  of 

the  Tobit  Legend  .         208-222 

Rev.  G.  Margoliouth. — More  Fragments  of  the  Pales- 
tinian Syriac  Version  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  ...         ...   223-236 

Alfred  Boissier. — Notes  Assyriologiques  ...         ...   237-239 

No.  cxLi.     December. 

Prof.  Flinders  Petrie. — The  Period  of  the  Judges  ...   243-249 
Theophilus    G.    Pinches.       Assyriological    Gleanings. 

{\  Plates) 250-258 

Dr.  M.    Gaster. — Two  Unknown  Hebrew  Versions  of 
the  Tobit  Legend  (^6'«//«/^<?i^)     ...         ...         ...         ...  259-271 

W.  E.  Crum. — A  Stele  of  the  XHIth  Dynasty  ...         ...   272-274 

Rev.  G.  Margoliouth. — More  Fragments  of  the  Pales- 
tinian Syriac  Version  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  {continued)  275-285 


ILLUSTRATIONS.  yii 


LIST    OF    PLATES, 


The  Book  of  the  Dead.  Plates  XXXIII,  XXXIV,  XXXV. 

{Three  plates)       8 

The  XXXIst  Egyptian  Dynasty 60 

Some  Remarks  on  the  Sepulchral  Figures  usually  called 

Ushabti.     (Ten plates)   ...          ...          ...          ...          ...  142 

The   Book   of  the    Dead.     Plates    XXXVI,    XXXVII, 

XXXVIII.     {Three  plates)         148 

Stela  of  Mentuhetep,  Son  of  Hepy            ...         ...          ...  196 

Assyriological  Gleanings,     {Four plates)  ...          ...          ...  256 


VOL.  XVIII.  Part  i. 


PROCEEDINGS 


THE    SOCIETY 


BIBLICAL    ARCHEOLOGY. 


VOL.  XVIII.     TWENTY-SIXTH  SESSION. 

Ftrst  Meeting,  January  \^th,  1896. 
[a.nniversary,] 

^m 

CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Secretary's  Report,  1895 3-5 

Council  and  Officers  for  the  Year  1896 6 

P.    Le    Page   Renouf   {President). — The   Book   of  the   Dead, 

Chapter  CXXV,  Part  IV  {Plates)     7-16 

Prof.  Dr.  Hommel. — Assyriological  Notes  17-24 

Robert  Brown,  Junr.,  F.S.A. — Euphralean  Stellar  Researches 

{continued)    25-44 

Statement  of  Receipts  and  Expenditure  for  the  Year  ending  31st 

December,  1895. 

^^ : 

PUBLISHED   AT 

THE    OFFICES     OF    THE     SOCIETY, 

37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 

189  6. 


[No.  cxxxiv.] 


SOCIETY   OF    BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY, 

37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


Vol. 


TRANSACTIONS 

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A  few  complete  sets  of  the  Transactions  still  remain  for  sale,  which  may  be 
obtained  on  application  to  the  Secretary,  W.  H.  Rylands,  F.S.A.,  37,  Great 
Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE     SOCIETY 


OF 


BIBLICAL     ARCHEOLOGY. 


TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION,    1896. 


First  Meeting,  i^th  Januaiy,  1896. 

[anniversary.] 

REV.  JAMES  MARSHALL,  M.A., 

IN    THE    CHAIR. 


The  following  Candidates  were  elected  Members  of  the 
Society,  having  been  nominated  at  the  last  Meeting,  held  on 
the  3rd  December,  1895  : — 

VV.  H.  Brown,  B.A.,  London,   21,  Cambridge  Street,  Eccleston 

Square. 
John  Stanton,  Chorley,  Lancashire. 
Rev.  C.  H.  W.  Johns,  Queens'  College,  Cambridge. 
James  Wheeler,  Chardmore  Road,  Upper  Clapton. 

[No.  CXXXIV.]  I  A 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

To  be  added  to  the  List  of  Subscribers : — 

Newcastle-upon-Tyne    Public    Libraries    (Basil   Anderton,    B.A., 
Chief  Librarian). 

Doctor    Ceriani,    The    Ambrosian    Library,    Milan,   was 
elected  an  Honorary  Member  of  the  Society. 

The  following  were  nominated  for   election  at  the  next 
Meeting  on  February  the  4th  : — 

Arthur  E.  Fardon,  Vaudry  Bank,  Fleetwood. 

William  G.  Jones,  6,  Ashfield  Terrace  West,  Newcastle-on-Tyne. 


A  Paper  was  read  by  Dr.  Gaster  on  "  Some  Unique 
Hebrew  Illuminated  Manuscripts  of  the  Bible,  of  the  9th 
or  loth  Century,"  which  will  be  printed  in  a  future  Part  of 
the  Proceedmgs. 

Several  of  these  interesting  manuscripts  were  exhibited 
by  Dr.  Gaster,  having  a  peculiar  and  well  marked  style  of 
coloured  borders  to  the  pages,  as  well  as  within  the  lines  of 
text.  There  were  also  exhibited  a  number  of  other  MSS.  of 
Bibles  and  Prayer  Books,  showing  the  styles  of  decoration 
ordinarily  used  at  certain  dates. 

Thanks  were  returned  for  this  communication. 

Remarks  were  added  by  Dr.  Friedlander,  Mr.  W.  G. 
Thorpe,  Dr.  Gaster,  and  the  Chairman. 


The  Secretary's  Report,  and  the  Statement  of  Receipts 
and  Expenditure  to  the  31st  December,  1895,  were  received 
and  adopted. 


Jan.   14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

SECRETARY'S     REPORT 
FOR  THE  YEAR  1895. 


It  has  been  my  duty  during  the  year  just  passed,  to  notice  from  time 
to  time  the  heavy  loss  the  Society  has  suffered  by  the  death  of  some  of 
its  distinguished  Members.  It  must  be  a  subject  of  great  regret  to  all 
to  see  the  ranks  thus  thinned. 

The  number  on  the  roll  of  Members  has,  however,  been  fairly 
maintained  ;  still,  it  is  in  every  way  desirable  that  it  should  be  increased  ; 
a  most  desirable  addition  could  easily  be  obtained  if  every  individual 
Member,  or  even  a  large  portion  of  those  now  on  the  list,  would  each 
make  the  effort  to  secure  at  least  one  new  Member.  I  have  to  thank 
many  who  recognize  this  duty  as  one  they  owe  to  the  Society,  for 
their  efforts,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  others  will  realize  the  same  duty, 
and  make  an  effort  to  give  some  help. 

The  twenty-fifth  session  of  the  Society  commenced  on  November, 
1894,  but,  according  to  the  recently  adopted  and  more  convenient 
arrangement,  the  seventeenth  volume  includes  the  Proceedings  issued 
from  January  to  December,  1895.  The  publications  therefore  now  form 
an  annual  volume. 

The  Society  is  certainly  to  be  congratulated  on  the  number  of  Papers 
and  shorter  communications  which  have  been  printed  ;  their  interest  is 
not  unequal  to  those  of  former  years.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  however,  that 
the  personal  efforts  of  all  those  interested  in  the  Society  will,  by  in- 
creasing the  number  of  Members,  enable  the  Council  to  print  many 
other  original  texts,  which  are  only  waiting  the  time  when  the  cost  of 
publication  is  forthcoming. 

Classing  the  Papers  according  to  subjects,  it  may  be  well  to  take,  in 
the  first  place,  those  which  more  directly  refer  to  matters  connected  with 
the  Bible ;  many  of  these  are  of  peculiar  interest,  and  I  may  state  that 
the  authors  have  kindly  consented  to  submit  their  researches  in  similar 
subjects  to  the  Society  during  the  present  and  future  sessions. 

Rev.  Dr.  Lowy  :  On  the  Pre-Mosaic  Culture  of  the  Hebrews  (read 
in  February  and  April).  Rev.  J.  Margoliouth  :  The  Divine  Name 
mn^  (February).  Rev.  Dr.  Caster  :  An  Unknown  Aramaic  Original 
of  Theodotion's  Additions  to  the  Book  of  Daniel  (February) ;  Part  III,  the 
Commentary.  Rev.  C.  J.  Ball,  M.A.  :  The  Name  Shinar,  Genesis  xi,  2, 
and  the  meaning  of  ]T^^^  of  Genesis  xliii,  1 1  (April).  Rev.  C.  J.  Ball, 
M.A. :  The  Testament  of  Jacob,  Genesis  xlix.  (May).  John  E.  Gilmore 
and  P.  le  p.  Renouf  {Presideftt)  :  Coptic  Fragments  of  Genesis  xiii 
and  xiv,  and  Psalm  cv  (November). 

3  A  2 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGV.  [1896. 

Of  Papers  dealing  with  the  antiquities  and  mythology  of  Egypt,  the 
number  submitted  has  been  in  excess  of  those  of  former  years.  The 
President  has  continued  his  translation  and  commentary  of  the  Book 
of  the  Dead.  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  this  is  the  only  complete 
translation  that  has  been  issued. 

The  title  of  the  Papers  are  as  follows  :— P.  I.E  P.  Renouf  :  The 
Book  of  the  Dead,  additional  note  to  chapter  CIX  and  Chapters  CXI 
to  CXVI  (January),  Chapter  CX  (February) ;  Notes,  Chapter  X  (March) ; 
Chapters  CXVI  I  to  CXXIII  (April)  ;  Chapter  CXXIV  (May)  ;  Chapter 
CXXV,  Parts  I  and  II  (November);  Part  III  (December).  The  Bow 
in  the  Egyptian  Sky,  Part  II  (January).  Human  Sacrifice,  and  the 
Theory  of  Substitution  in  Egyptian  and  other  Ancient  Religions  (March). 
Note  on  Length  and  Breadth  in  Egyptian  (May).  E.  Lefebure, 
Etude  sur  I'Abydos,  un  dialogue  des  Morts  :  le  chapitre  d'amener  la 
Barque  :  traduction  et  commentaire  (March).  Dr.  A.  Wiedemann  : 
An  Inscription  of  the  time  of  Amenophis  the  IVth  (April).  Two  Monu- 
ments with  a  Votive  Formula  for  a  Living  Person  (May).  MiSS  M.  A. 
Murray  :  The  Descent  of  Property  in  the  Early  Periods  of  Egyptian 
History  (November).  Alfred  C.  Bryant,  B.A.,  and  F.  W.  Read: 
Akhuenaten  and  Queen  Tii  (November)  PROFESSOR  Dr.  Karl  Piehl  : 
Notes  de  Philologie  Egyptienne  {continued)  (November).  PROFESSOR 
Dr.  Aug.  Eisenlohr  :  Egyptian  Chronology  (December).  Walter 
L.  N.\SH,  F.S.A.  :  Bronze  Figure  of  Isis  with  silver  head  covering 
(May).  Professor  Paul  Pierret  :  La  Coudee  Royale  du  Musee 
Egyptienne  du  Louvre  (May). 

Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Antiquities  have  not  been  neglected,  and 
I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  state  that  other  Papers  will  be  brought  before 
the  Society  during  the  present  year. 

Robert  Brown,  Junr.,  F.S.A.  :  Euphratean  Stellar  Researches, 
Part  IV  (January)  ;  Part  V,  The  Archaic  Lunar  Zodiac  {to  be  cofitinued). 
S.  Arthur  Strong  :  Additional  Note  on  a  Fragment  of  the  Adapa 
Legend  (January).  Theo.  G.  Pinches  :  The  Lament  of  the  "Daughter 
of  Sin,"  illustrated  with  the  text  (February)  ;  Water  Rate  in  Ancient 
Babylonia  (December).  S.  Arthur  Strong  :  Some  Assyrian  Allitera- 
tive Texts  (April).  Rev.  C.  H.  W.  Johns  :  Sennacherib's  Letters  to 
his  Father,  Sargon  (November).  Professor  Dr.  Fritz  Hommel  : 
a  continuation  of  his  Assyriological  Notes  (May).  Professor  Sayce  : 
The  Karian  and  Lydian  Inscriptions  (January) ;  with  a  further  note, 
which  appeared  in  May. 

The  best  thanks  of  the  Society  are  due  to  the  many  writers  who 
have  so  willingly  given  their  assistance  by  giving  so  varied  and  in- 
teresting series  of  Papers  to  the  Society. 

Of  the  Large  Paper  Edition  of  Mr.  Rcnoufs  Translation,  with 
Commentary  and  Notes,  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  Parts  I,  II,  III,  and 
IV   have   been   issued  to  subscribers,  and  it  is  very  satisfactory  to  be 

4 


Jan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [iSg.Oi 

able  to  record  that  the  whole  of  the  edition  had  been  subscribed  for 
before  the  issue  of  the  fourth  part.  That  the  Society  should  have  had 
the  opportunity  of  issuing  this  monumental  work,  the  result  of  the 
study  of  many  years,  is  a  subject  of  great  congratulation,  as  also  that 
it  should  have  been  so  appreciated  by  scholars.  Of  the  Bronze  Orna- 
ments of  the  Gates  of  Balawat,  Part  V,  the  last  and  concluding  portion, 
still  remains  to  be  issued.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  unfortunate  illness 
which  seized  me  last  year,  the  work  would  have  been  completed.  I  hope 
before  many  months  are  over  to  issue  the  final  part. 

The  number  of  kindred  Societies  with  which  publications  are  ex- 
changed has  been  considerably  increased ;  and  others  have  been  purchased 
by  the  Council,  but  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  funds  at  their  disposal  for 
this  purpose  are  not  sufficient  to  make  this  department  of  the  Library  as 
complete  as  could  be  wished.  Many  donations  of  books  have  also  been 
made  by  various  authors,  to  whom  the  best  thanks  of  the  Society  are 
due  for  thus  placing  their  works  within  the  reach  of  many  to  whom  they 
may  be  of  real  service. 

The  audited  Statement  of  Receipts  and  Expenditure  for  the  year 
1895  shows  that  the  funds  available  for  that  year  have  been  £7i?>  ^s.  2d., 
and  the  expenditure  for  the  same  period  has  been  £62,^  6s.  /\d.  The 
balance  carried  forward  from  1894  was  ^90  45-.,  and  that  from  the  year 
just  ended  ^80  is.  lod. 

We  have  to  thank  Mr.  Walter  ^lorrison,  M.P.,  one  of  the  Vice- 
Presidents,  who  has  so  often  generously  given  assistance,  for  a  sub- 
stantial addition  to  our  funds.  A  small  amount  will  also  be  found 
entered  in  the  annexed  statement  of  accounts  towards  the  arrears  for 
printing  referred  to  in  former  Reports.  The  cost  of  printing  the  publi- 
cations is  necessarily  very  great,  and  it  surely  ought  to  be  unnecessary 
for  me  to  point  out  year  after  year,  that,  in  order  that  the  work  may  be 
properly  carried  out,  liberal  contributions  are  to  be  desired  from  the 
Members. 

W.  Harry  Rvi.axds, 
Secrcta7y. 

The  thanks  of  the  Society  were  voted  to  the  President,  the 
Secretary  and  Officers  for  their  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  Society. 


Jan.  14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHJiOLOGY.  [1896. 

The  following  Officers  and  Council  for  the  current  year 
were  elected : — 

COUNCIL,     1896. 


President. 
P.  LE   PAGE    RENOUF. 

Vice-Presidents, 
The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  ok  Canterbury. 
The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 
The  Most  Noble  the  Marquess  of  Bute,  K.T.,  &c.,  &c. 
The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Amherst  of  Hackney. 
The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Halsbury. 
The  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  M.P.,  D.C.L.,  &c. 
F.  D.  Mocatta,  F.S.A.,  &c. 
Walter  Morrison,  M.P. 

Sir  Charles  Nicholson,  Bart.,  D.C.L.,  M.D.,  &c. 
Rev.  George  Rawlinson,  D.D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 


Rev.  Charles  James  Ball,  M.A. 

Arthur  Gates. 

Rev.  Prof.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  D.D. 

Thomas  Christy,  F.L.S. 

Dr.  J.  Hall  Gladstone,  F.R.S. 

Charles  Harrison,  F.S.A. 

Gray  Hill. 

Prof.  T.  Hayter  Lewis,  F.S.A. 

Rev.  Albert  Lovvy,  LL.U.,  &c. 


CounciL 

Rev.  James  Marshall,  M.A. 

Claude  G.  Montefiore. 

\Valter  L.  Nash,  F.S.A. 

Alexander  Peckover,  F.S.A. 

Prof.  P.  Pierret. 

J.  Pollard. 

Edward    B.    Tylor,    LL.D., 

F.R.S.,  &c. 
E.  Towry  Whyte,  M.A. 


Honorary  Treasurer. 
Bernard  T.  Bosanqukt. 

Secretary. 
W.  Harry  Rylands,  F.S.A. 

Hon.  Secretary  for  Foreign  Correspondence. 
Rev.  R.  G WYNNE,  B.A. 

Honorary  Librarian. 
William  Simpson,  F".R.G.S. 


6 


Jan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


BOOK   OF   THE   DEAD. 
By  p.  le  Page  Renouf. 


CHAPTER  CXXV. 


Notes. 


For  the  significance  of  this  most  important  chapter  with  reference 
to  the  reh'gion  and  ethics  of  ancient  Egypt  I  must  refer  to  the  Intro- 
duction. The  notes  in  this  place  must  be  confined  to  the  text  and 
its  elucidation. 

No  copy  of  the  chapter  is  known  of  more  ancient  date  than  the 
eighteenth  dynasty,  but  the  oldest  papyri  contain  the  three  parts  of 
which  the  chapter  consists.  That  the  chapter  is  of  much  earlier 
date  than  the  eighteenth  dynasty  is  quite  certain  from  the  nature  of 
the  corruptions  which  had  already  made  their  appearance  in  the 
earliest  copies  which  have  come  down  to  us.  But  the  three  parts 
are  not  necessarily  of  the  same  antiquity.  The  second  part  seems 
to  have  grown  out  of  the  first  and  to  have  been  suggested  by  the 
mention  of  the  "Forty-two"  gods  and  the  "negative  confession,"  as 
it  is  called,  of  certain  sins.  It  is  a  tabulated  form  in  which  the  gods 
are  named  and  a  sin  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  each  god. 
The  number  of  sins  in  this  form  is  therefore  forty-two ;  a  higher 
number  than  in  Part  I. 

The  two  catalogues  agree  to  a  certain  extent,  but  they  also 
disagree,  and  the  second  is  evidently  the  result  of  a  different  process 
of  thought  than  that  which  gave  birth  to  the  first.  The  author  of 
Part  I  is  not  the  author  of  Part  II,  unless  perhaps  at  a  different  and 
later  period.  Nor  is  there  any  indication  in  Part  I  of  the  extra- 
ordinary examination  to  which  the  deceased  person  is  subjected  in 
Part  III.     This  in  itself  would  not  be  a  serious  objection,  but  the 

7 


Jan.  14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

matter  becomes  more  complicated  if  we  remember  that  the  picture 
of  the  Psyschostasia  has  the  right  to  be  considered  as  a  part  of  the 
chapter.  The  texts  which  are  written  upon  it  differ,  indeed, 
according  to  the  taste  of  the  artist,  and  can  therefore  claim  no 
canonical  authority.  But  the  question  as  to  the  order  of  succession 
in  the  trials,  or  the  precise  moment  at  which  the  deceased  person  is 
finally  freed  from  all  anxiety  as  to  his  fate,  cannot  be  satisfactorily 
solved  on  the  supposition  that  all  these  documents  form  parts  of  a 
consistent  whole.  It  seems  much  more  natural  to  consider  them  as 
really  independent  compositions  brought  together  in  consequence  of 
their  subject  matter.  The  artists  of  the  Ramseside  period  (in  the 
papyri  of  Hunefer  and  Ani)  add  another  scene  *  in  which  the 
deceased  is  judged  not  by  the  forty-two  assessors  of  Osiris  but  by  a 
smaller  company  of  gods  (twelve  or  fourteen),  sitting  on  thrones  and 
bearing  the  names  of  well  known  divinities. 

The  essential  notion  was  that  of  a  trial  before  Osiris,  in  which  the 
man's  conduct  or  conscience  was  weighed  in  the  Balance.  This  trial 
is  referred  to  in  various  chapters  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead  and  in 
other  texts  which  prove  that,  with  reference  to  the  details,  free  scope 
was  allowed  to  the  imagination  of  the  scribes  or  artists. 

The  number  of  the  Forty-two  assessors  might  be  thought  con- 
nected with  that  of  the  Nomes  of  Egypt.  But  this  number  is  only 
certain  for  the  later  periods  of  Egyptian  history,  and  is  not  true  for 
earlier  times.  Moreover  the  localities  in  which  the  gods  are  said  to 
make  their  appearances  do  not  correspond  to  the  nomes,  or  places 
within  them.  Some  of  the  localities  occur  more  than  once,  and 
some  of  them,  if  not  all,  are  localities  not  upon  earth.  Heaven 
occurs  twice,  the  eleventh  god  makes  his  appearance  at  Amenta  and 
the  forty-second  in  the  Netherworld.  But  the  names  which  have  a 
more  earthly  sound  may  have  a  mystical  meaning.  The  first  god 
makes  his  appearance  in  Annu,  so  does  the  seventeenth  and  so  does 
the  twenty-fourth.  But  does  this  mean  Heliopolis  of  Egypt?  On 
referring  to  an  important  text  in  Mariette's  Momivients  Divers^ 
pi.   46,   it  will  be  seen  that  Annu  is  the  Eastern  Solai-  Mountain 

T  fll '  ^^'^'^''^'  ^^  ^^"  rises,  and  where  he  is  saluted  by  the  Powers 
of  the  East.     There  cannot  be  a  more  striking  illustration  of  "  the 


*  Apparently   suggested   by   the   scene    in    llic   tomb    of    Hor-eni-heb   (see 
Deiihii.,  Ill,  78),  in  the  time  of  Amenophis  III.     (Plate  XXXIl,  fig.  15.) 

8 


TLATE   XXXIII. 

BOOK    OF    THE    DEAD. 


Proc.  Soc.  Bihl.  Arch.,  January,  1S96. 


Tfi-'fr-frrTri-i'i-r'r-fTi-rT-i-rrTTT 


Fig.  II.     Chattkr  CXX\\ 
Sarcophagus  of  Sebek-aa,  Berlin  Museum. 


Fig.  12.     Chapter  CXXV.     Lepsius,  "  Denkm'aler,"  Abth.  Ill,  Bl.  232. 


Fig,  13.     Chapter  CXXV. 
Lepsius,  "  Denkmaler,"  Abth.  Ill,  Bl.  232. 


PLATE     XXXIV. 


BOOK 


M^^IMMIMMI^ 


m 


Fig.  14. 
Chapter  CXXV.     Papyrus,  Leyden  Museum,  No.  i. 


Chapter  CXXV.     Pap 


A 


Proc.  Sec.  Bihl.  Arch.,  January,  1896. 


HE     DEAD. 


Fig.  15. 
CHArrER  CXXV.     Lepsius,  "  Denkmaler,"  Abth.  Ill,  Bl.  78. 


Ani,  British  Museum. 


PLATE     XXXV. 


BOOK     OF 
Chapter  C 


Hg.  17.     Lepsius,  "  Denkmaler,"  Abth.  Ill,  Bl.  39. 


y'if^.  19.     Mariette,  "Deir  cl  Bahari," 
PI.  VIII. 


Fig.  20.     KosEi.i.iNi,  "M.C.,"  PI.  LI. 


Proc.  Soc,  Bibl.  Arch.,  January,    \i 


)EAD. 

les). 


Fig.  i8.     Lepsius,  "  Deiikmaler,"  Abth.  Ill,  Bl.  39. 


tx 


;,  21.      ROSEI.LINI, 

'M.C.,  PI.  LII. 


Fig.  22.     RosEi.LiNi,  "M.C.,"  PI.  LII. 


Jan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

Divine  Babe  who  makeUi  his  appearance  in  Annu "  (the  twenty- 
fourth  Assessor),  than  ih.e  picture  I  refer  to.* 

And  Chemunnu,  ZZq  ^  ®,  is  surely  not  the  Hermopolis  of 
Egypt,  but  the  place  of  the  Eight  gods     I   '  O  ^  ^Ji  i  >  four  to  the 

Left  and  four  to  the  Right  of  the  rising  sun,  who  hail  his  coming 
and  help  him  to  rise;  where  Shu,  according  to  the  MSS.  of  the  17th 
Chapter,  raises  up  the  Sky,  and  where  "  the  children  of  Failure," 
(that  is,  shades  of  darkness)  are  exterminated.     It  is  not  simply  of 

I  .^  /VNAAAA 

Hermopolis  nor  yet  of  Lake  Moeris  that  one  may  say  n        D    v 

j   I  ^.w>AA  ^  Jl  I  AL    ■  n  ^.      i\^  ig  ^\^Q  place  of  the  Eight  deities 

where  Ra  riseth  {Zeitschr.,  1872,  p.  8). 

The  same  considerations  apply  to  such  names  as  those  of 
Sutenhunen  and  Tattu. 

The  presence  of  the  divine  ''Babe,"  of  the  god  "of  long  strides" 
(Ra),  of  the  god  "  of  Lion  form,"  of  the  goddess  Bast,  of  Nefer- 
tmu,  of  the  "  Striker "  {Ahi,  a  name  of  Horus),  and  of  Nehebkau, 
not  to  mention  others,  among  the  Assessors,  would  of  itself  be 
sufficient  to  convince  us  that,  in  spite  of  the  strange  and  terrific 
names  of  some  of  these  personages,  they  are  not  to  be  looked  upon 
as  fiends,  like  Malacoda,  Scarmiglione,  and  the  rest  of  the  demon 
crew  in  the  Inferno  of  Dante.  They  are  not  evil  spirits,  but  gods, 
all  of  them,  "subsisting  on  righteousness;"  there  is  "nothing  zvrong 
about  them."t     They  are  the  gods   who  accompany  Osiris,   and. 


*  The  picture  of  the  Babe  lifted  up  into  the  upper  world  l)y  two  divinities 
speaks  for  itself.  Of  the  birth  of  the  Sun  as  the  Winged  Scarab  at  the  beginning 
of  the  first  hour  of  the  day,  M.  Maspero,  in  his  description  of  the  text,  says : 
"  II  est  salue  a  ton  apparition  par  les  huit  ....  '  les  esprits  d'Orient,  dieux 
du  ciel,  des  terres,  des  pays  etrangers,  de  la  montagne  d'horizon  orientale  qui 
est  On.'" 

t  This  is  the  principle  by  which  to  judge  the  cases  of  the  god  of  writhhig  aspect, 

W      ^^  iPh      Wl   s^''PS"ti'^6»  or  crocodile       5]V      ,    ^SSs. '  ^'""^  of  Uammeta 

4=  )  ^n!S.    ^\    ^\  5  against  both   of  whom  a  t^assage  of  the  '  Book  of 

Hades'  (Bonomi,  Save,  pi.  II  A)  has  been  quoted.  The  book,  of  course,  is  of 
inferior  authority  to  the  'Book  of  the  Dead,'  but  in  any  case  it  must  be 
remembered  that  these  names,  as  appellatives,  are  common  nouns  {Uammetii  is  in 
the  plural  number  in  the  passage  in  question),  and  may  simply  mean  Serpents.  . 

9 


Jan.  14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII.EOLOGY.  [1896. 

according  to  Egyptian  theology,  are  his  Names,  his  Limbs,  his 
Body.  If  the  names  of  some  of  them  appear  harsh  or  cruel,  it  is 
because  strict  Justice  is  inexorable,  and  Mercy  is  a  quality  never 
thought  of  in  Egyptian  theology. 

The  exact  notion  of  Maat  in  Egyptian  texts  is  discussed  in 
another  part  of  the  present  work.  In  this  chapter  I  have  translated 
it  J^/\'-///eo»s/iess,  because  the  question  here  is  about  moral  conduct : 
and  conformity  to  the  strict  Rule  of  Right  towards  one's  fellow 
men,  one's  own  self  and  the  heavenly  powers  is  what  is  meant  by 
Righteousness.  And  here  it  is  opposed  to  moral  transgression  or 
sin,  not  to  physical  evil,  which  itself  is  a  very  frequent  result  from 
the  operation  of  the  inexorable  Maat. 

But  in  the  expression,  "  Hall  of  Righteousness,"  the  word  in 
Egyptian  is  used  in  the  dual  number  :  hence  the  erroneous  or 
inadequate  translations,  "the  Two  Truths,"  or  "Double  Justice," 
and  the  guesses  which  have  been  made  as  to  their  meaning. 

A  very  important  determinative  of  the  Egyptian  word  is  found 
not  only  in  the  papyri  but  in  the  very  earliest  mention  yet  known 
of  the  Hall.     The  great  inscription  of  the  tomb  of  Peher  at  El  Kab, 

calls  it  the "^  .     The  repetition  of  the  sign  ©  indi- 

[3U    Q    all®  ^  ^ 

cates  a  locality  in  which  the  Sun-god  \s  present,  as  in  the  cases  of 

cQ]  [m         ,  ,  ,,  .,..,,. 

and  many  others.     Space  is  divided  into  two 

parts ;  one  on  the  Southern  and  one  on  the  Northern  side  of  the 
god  as  he  proceeds  on  his  course.  And  when  we  have  for  de- 
terminatives two   Ur?ei    [X  fX  ,    or  two  ostrich    Feathers   n  K ,  we 

have  to  understand  two  goddesses  Maat,  one  to  the  Left  and  one  to 
to  the  Right  side  of  Osiris. 

These  goddesses  are  Isis  and  Nephthys,  who  play  very  con- 
spicuous parts  in  a  symbolism  discussed  in  note  2  of  the  present 
chapter. 

It  would  be  well  if  evidence  could  be  brought  with  equal  facility 
to  bear  upon  all  the  difficulties  witli  which  the  chapter  abounds. 
But  though  a  very  lively  interest  was  attracted  to  it  ever   since 

Sulu  is  called  by  the  first  of  these  names  at  Edfu  {Zeitschr.,  1871,  p.  108).  But 
even  at  Dendera  (Lanzone,  Diz.,  pi.  173,  l)  this  'god  of  serpent  face'  is 
'disastrous  to  the  Sebau,'  the  enemies  of  Osiris  and  Ra,  and  is  therefore  not  one 
of  them. 

10 


Jan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

Champollion  quoted  extracts  from  it  in  his  Grammar,  the  difficulties 
with  which  he  did  not  attempt  to  cope  have  only  increased  with  our 
knowledge  of  the  language  and  its  scientific  treatment.  The  text  is 
extremely  doubtful  in  many  important  parts,  the  forty-two  sins  are 
not  the  same  in  all  the  manuscripts,  and  they  are  not  assigned  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  same  gods.  So  important  a  papyrus  as  that 
of  Sutimes  omits  some  sins  of  which  an  Egyptian  would  certainly  be 
expected  to  give  an  account.  The  same  word  is  made  to  appear 
with  different  meanings  in  the  same  passage  of  the  papyri  when  they 
are  compared  together.  And  there  are  not  a  few  important  words 
of  which  the  meaning  was  first  only  guessed  at  by  the  first  translators, 
but  has  been  retained  without  sufficient  warrant  by  their  successors. 
The  present  translation  is  presented  under  the  full  consciousness  of 
all  its  imperfections,  and  of  the  difficulties  which  have  yet  to  be 
overcome  before  a  version  can  be  called  satisfactory. 

A  very  admirable  contribution  towards  our  acquaintance  with 
the  first  part  of  the  chapter  was  made  as  far  back  as  1866  by  Dr. 
Pleyte  in  his  Etudes  Egyptologiques.  Since  then  other  versions  have 
appeared  by  MM.  Deveria,  Lefebure  and  Pierret. 

The  Demotic  text  of  the  chapter,  first  published  by  Brugsch,  and 
now  more  recently,  with  a  complete  translation,  by  M.  Revillout,  is 
in  itself  most  interesting,  but  written,  as  it  is,  in  the  days  of  imperial 
Rome,  cannot  always  be  appealed  to  as  to  an  authoritative  exposition 
of  the  ancient  text. 


I.  The  Day  of  searching  examination  or  reckoning.  The  word 
'M<r--^^-g5^  has  to  be  compared  with  the  Coptic  Kco'f"  in  the 
sense  of  search,  enq7iiry,  ^>]Teiv,  ^iprjai's.  This  sense  is  derived  from 
M  a  circle   (  1 M  ^  p\,^    sail  round)   and    the   notion   of    going 

■completely  round  a  thing  and  approaching  it  from  all  sides. 

2.   Thou  [literally  he']  of  the  Fair  of  Eyes  ^rfr^s^ 


m^s 


*       This    title   of  Osiris   is   made  clear  by  the    37th 


"^  The  "^^  is  not  to  be  read  Ji  or  fy.  The  sign  \\  is  merely  the  ideogram 
of  the  number  2,  like  the  letter  ^  in  Coptic.  The  belief  in  an  Egj'ptian  dual 
with  \^  as  a  final  syllable  is  an  illusion,  though  a  very  pardonable  one,  of  our 
■grammarians. 

II 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGV.  [1S96. 

chapter,  which  begins  with  an  invocation  to  the  Sister  Pair  of 
Goddes.es,  Merta  '^  X^^j^^'^^^^W;  ^^'^ta  signi- 
fying  Two  Eyes,  and  the  divine  Sister  pair  being  Isis  and  Nephthys. 
In  vignettes  of  the  chapter  (see,  e.g.,  PI.  XXXIII  and  XXXIV, 
figs.  14  and  16  for  instances)  the  two  goddesses  appear  in  human 
form  with  their  brotlier  Osiris  within  the  naos  where  the  judgment 
is  delivered.     It  is  not  so  easy  to  recognise  them   under  the  form 

^^^^  which  they  have  in  the  vignette  of  Pb.  (see  PI.  XXXI),. 
or  in  the  picture  which  is  found  in  many  papyri  {e.g.,  those  of 
Nebseni,  Hunefer,  Ani  and  the  Turin  Todtenbuch),  wherein  the 
cornice  or  top  row  of  the  decoration  surmounting  the  forty-two 
judges  has  for  central  figure  a  man  (Osiris)  either  supporting  the 
Two  Eyes  or  extending  his  hands  above  them  (see  PI.  XXXIV, 
fig.  14). 

We  have  here  a  symbolism  of  such  extreme  importance  as  to 
justify  a  short  excursus  on  the  subject. 

The  Two  Eyes  =^^  "^^  are  a  most  frequent  symbol  on  all 
funereal  monuments ;  on  the  most  ancient  coffins,  such  as  those  of 
Apaanchu,  Antuf,  Taka  {Denkm.,  II,  98,  146,  147),  Mentuhotep 
{Aelfeste  Texte,  pi.  9  and  25),  Sebak-aa  (Gio.  d'Athmasi,  pi.  3)  and 
Amamu,  as  on  mummy  cases  generally,  and  on  funereal  tablets. 
Between  the  Eyes  on  many  tablets  we  frequently  find  the  sign  Q , 

AAA/VA/V 

and  this  is  often  followed  by  the  sign  of  Water  ';:;XC^  or  the  Vase  ^;7  , 
and  very  frequently  by  both.     Very  often  we  have  two  signs  Q ,  one 

by  each  Eye,  and  not  less  frequently  a  pair  of  jackals,  £i^  or  ^^ 

facing  each  other.  No  two  tablets  are  exactly  alike,  but  the 
meaning  is  always  the  same. 

Nor  is  the  meaning  changed  when  the  tablet  is  headed  by  the 
Winged  Disk  ^j^J  or^^^  even  though  the  Eyes  are  not  seen. 
Their  place  is  supplied  by  two  Urrei,  sometimes  crowned  with  the 

Q  and  the  \J ,  insignia  of  Southern  and  Northern  sovereignty. 

On  a  fine  tablet  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  {Denkm.,  II,  136^),  the 
sign  Q  is  attached  to  each  Uraeus,  and  this  device  is  repeated  on 
innumerable  monuments. 

According  to  another  device  the  Two  Eyes  are  represented 
within  the  Winged  Disk  (see^.^.,  Leemans,  J/^«.,  Ill,  J/.,  PI.  XVI). 

"  He  of  the  Pair  of  Eyes  "  is  always  Osiris.     But  Osiris  is  a  god 

12 


Jan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

"  of  many  names,"  as  the  Pyramid  Texts  show  no  less  than  the 
Book  of  the  Dead,  where  in  the  seventeenth  chapter  he  is  identified 
with  Tmu,  Ra,  the  Bennu,  Amsu  and  Horus,  not  to  mention  others, 
and  where  in  the  Schoha  the  Two  Feathers,  the  Two  Uraei,  the  Two 
Eyes  and  the  Two  Kites*  are  identified  with  the  Sister  pair  Isis  and 
Nephthys.  And  wherever  these  symbols  occur  in  pairs  Isis  and 
Nephthys  are  meant,  one  for  the  right  or  northern  side  and  the  other 
for  the  left  or  southern.  The  same  idea  is  conveyed  under  such  forms 
^s  ^^m  1   ^^ '  o^  1^^ '   ^^^^  many   others.      Dr.  Birch  long  ago 


a 


{Zeitschr.,    1877,  p.   t,^)   mentioned  ||  u   n  as  representing  Osiris 

between  his  two  sisters.  Osiris  is  often  represented  as  a  living  u, 
■with  eyes. 

The  royal  crowns  and  their  decorations,  such  as 

^M  ,  and    /Aj  ,  abound  in  this  symbolism. 

The  ancient  coffin  of  Sebakaa  at  Berlin  {Aelteste  Texte,  pi.  29),  in 
the  phrase  [1  ii  H  ^"^^  ^  •>  recognizes  Isis  as  one  of  the  Two 
Eyes.  Down  to  the  latest  periods  the  Sisters  were  known  as 
<cn>  r^ fl  ^i^ ,  Eye  of  the  Southern  or  Left  side  (Isis),  and  <:n>  r^ fl  ¥ , 

Eye  of  the  Northern  or  Right  side  (Nephthys).  On  countless  coffins 
and  sarcophagi  these  goddesses  are  represented  on  opposite  sides, 
in  kneeling  attitude,  holding  the  Q  in  their  hands,  like  the  equi- 
valent Vultures  of  the  North  and  South,  with  their  claws,  and  the 
Ursi  on  their  bodies. 

The  meaning  of  the  sign  Q  is  well  known.  It  is  a  ring,  and 
is  applied  to  the  circuit  of  the  heavens  made  by  the  sun  and  other 
heavenly  bodies.  It  is  also  applied  to  the  yearly  recurring  flow  of 
the  Nile.  It  has  numerically  the  signification  of  10,000,000  or  an 
indefinitely  large  number.    As  attached,  j,  to  the  sign  of  years  -j  ,  3 

it  means  Eternity. 

It  is  therefore  an    appropriate  emblem   of  Osiris,  the  Lord  of 

Years,  ^d7  J  -I  J,  antwsus,  A  \    ^\  the  King  of  Eternity. 

*  Or  Vultures.  See  M.  Gayet's  Temple  de  Litxour,  PI.  xliii,  fig.  127,  where 
the  Bird  at  each  end  of  the  picture  holds  Q  in  its  claw.  And  note  the  taber- 
nacles (a  very  frequent  picture)  where  a  winged  goddess  bearing  the  Ij  kneels  on 
either  side  of  the  solar  scarab. 

13 


JAX.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 


The  sim  of  JVafer  a^^vwv,  and  the  Vase  vj  ,  are  also  emblems  of 

Osiris,  one  of  whose  names  is  JVafer  of  Reneiaal.  A  chapter  of  the 
Pyramid  Texts,  Teta,  176,  Pepi  I,  518,  which  begins  by  saying  that 
Seb  has  given  to  the  departed  (identified  with  Osiris)  the  Two  Eyes 
oi  that  Great  One*  and  has  done  that  through  Horus  who  recognizes 
his  father,  proceeds  after  this  to  say  :  "  He  renews  thee  in  thy  name 

of  7X;CC^  ^^  {  %,  Water  of  Renewal." 

I  cannot  say  if  the  Fase  y7  is  a  mere  appendage  to  the 
Water,  but  if  it  is  not  it  most  probably  was  meant  to  contain  the 

,   the   divine  and  life-giving  Sap  flowing  from  Osiris,  which  is 

mentioned  in  another  Pyramid  Text  (Pepi  I,  33),  also  speaking  of 
the  Water  of  Renewal,  as  a  name  of  Osiris. 

The  goddesses  Isis  and  Nephthys  as  mythological  figures 
represent  not  merely  the  Light  at  Dawn  and  Sunset,  but  the  Light 
thrown  out  right  and  left  by  the  Sun  in  his  entire  course,  whether 

in    the    heavens   or    in    the    Netherworld.        1  ^^  <===>  / 

<^zr>   _     K.=-__,  "he  lightens  up  the  earth  with  his  two  eyes,"  an 


c^  w 

expression  most  frequent  in  the  texts,  is  not  confined  to  special 
moments,  though  it  is  said  of  these  emphatically. 

In  all  that  has  been  said  thus  far,  the  Two  Eyes  have  been 
considered  as  acting  conjointly  and  discharging  one  and  the  same 
function.  When  they  are  distinguished  one  from  the  other  as  acting 
in  different  ways  the  symbolism  is  altered. 

The  ancient  scholion  on  the  17th  Chapter  speaks  of  the  Right 
Eye  of  Ra,  and  the  more  recent  scholion  of  the  papyri  speaks  of  the 

Eye  as  being  in  pain  and  weeping  for  its  sister  ||  .       The 

'^^  H — 

Eg)'ptian  name  for  the  Eye  is  here    V^.  i  ^h\   ^^  td'ait.      The  fre- 
^^^_^^^^^  Jl  ^  J^  K^ 

quent    expression  ^  "^^    means  fill  moon,   and    is    constantly 

identified  with  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  '^^wva  _  q']-,^  moon  is 
in  these  texts  called  the  Left  Eye  4  ^  ,  and  Osiris  is  said  to  unite 
with  her  (or  with  her  sister)  in  order  to  renew  her  revolution  f      Q  [1 . 

*  Or  as  it  is  said  in  other  words  (Teta,  172  ;  Pepi  I,  130  ;  Pepi  II,  107,  and 
Merenra,  152),  "  Seb  hath  brought  to  thy  side  thy  two  sisters,  Isis  and  Nephthys." 

14 


Jan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

And  of  the  Eye  it  is  said  that  '  she  renews  her  revolution  on  the 
fifteenth  day  'HI  ^-^    and  the  god  (Osiris)  makes  her  full  of 

her^/<?rj'  or  sple7idour  (TIT   I)    or  what  she  requires,  ""^^  I  = 

^-=^    1  Q  \     /  .      This  explains  the  symbol  ^^  III  "^^  which  is. 

seen  on  certain  tablets. 

But  what  is  the  meaning  of  the  passage  at  the  end  of  Part  I  of 
this  chapter — "  when  the  Eye  is  full  in  Annu,  on  the  last  day  of 

Mechir"  / <n=>  ,  an  expression  which  is  repeated  in 

II      O    I    O  I  ^ 

the  title  of  Chapter  140?  The  moon,  which  is  always  represented 
as  full  on  the  fifteenth  of  the  month,  cannot  be  full  on  the  thirtieth- 
It  must  be  the  other  Eye,  the  Sun.  Now  we  know  what  is  meant 
by  the  Full  Moon,  the  Plenilunium,  but  what  is  the  Full  Sun  ? 

M.  de  Rouge,  in  his  commentary  on  the  17th  Chapter,  gave  the 
key  to  this,  by  pointing  out  that  the  30th  Mechir  was  the  last  day 
of  the  sixth  month  of  the  year  ;  that  is  the  180th  day  after  the  first 
of  Thoth,  which  is  supposed  to  coincide  with  the  Summer  Solstice. 
It  is  therefore  at  the  time  of  the  Winter  Solstice  that  the  Eye  is 
said  to  be  full.  The  inaccuracy,  of  course,  arises  from  the  length 
of  the  Egyptian  year.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  time 
of  the  Winter  Solstice  is  meant. 

In  the  year  1470  B.C.  the  Egyptian  year  began  on  July  20,  and 
the  30th  Mechir  coincided  with  January  15  of  the  Julian  calendar. 

If  the  Eye  (considered  as  the  Sun)  is  said  to  be  /////  at  the 
Winter  Solstice,  it  was  most  probably  spoken  of  in  the  same  way 
not  only  at  the  Summer  Solstice,  but  also  at  the  two  Equinoxes. 
And  this  is  the  most  probable  reason  why  in  the  pictures  repre- 
senting the  Four  Rudders  of  Heaven  (North,  South,  East  and  West) 

an    Eye   "^^   is   attached   to    each    rudder.        (See   Vignettes   of 

Chapter  148.) 

The  Two  Eyes,  considered  as  Sun  and  Moon,  are  attributed  not 
only  to  Ra  and  Osiris,  but  to  gods  identified  with  these.  Of  the 
two  passages  which  have  been  most  frequently  quoted,  "Thy 
Right  Eye  is  the  Sun  M  -v^  %  and  thy  left  is  the  Moon  ( .fl," 
"His  Right  Eye  is  the  Sun  and  his  left  is  the  Moon,"  the  first  is 
addressed  to  Ptah  (in  the  Pap.  Berlin,  VII,  1.  42),  and  the  second, 
which  occurs  on  the  Neapolitan  Stele,  is  really  addressed  to  Osiris 

15 


Jan.  14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

as  god  of  Suten-hunen,  under  the  form  of  the  Ram-headed  deity 
Her-sefit.  Reference  is  made  towards  the  end  of  the  inscription  to 
the  "  divine  Eyes  which  are  in  Suten-hunen." 

Horus  according  to  the  Pyramid  Texts  has  two  eyes,  a  Light 
one  and  a  Dark  one.  But  the  "  Eye  of  Horus  "  is  most  frequently 
spoken  of  in  the  singular  number.  It  is  certainly  meant  for  the  Sun, 
and  the  name  of  it  is  given  to  cakes  and  ale,  wine,  corn,  oil,  honey, 
and  all  the  good  things  which  come  to  maturity  through  the  bene- 
ficent god :  who  has  in  himself  all  the  attributes  of  '  Ceres  and 
Bacchus.' 

I  must  bring  this  long  note  to  an  end  with  one  or  two  obser- 
vations. 

Many  goddesses  will  be  found  bearing  the  title  of  Eye  of  Ra. 
There  is  not  one  of  these  who  is  not  identified  with  Isis  or  Nephthys, 
who  are  in  fact  one,  and  personify  the  Light  of  the  Sun. 

Shu  and  Tefnut,  who  are  brother  and  sister,  play  the  same  parts 
as  the  two  goddesses. 

There  is  a  picture,  which  appears  in  the  vignette  of  Chapter  1 7 
in  most  of  the  papyri  of  the  second  and  later  periods,  of  two  male 
deities  bearing  the  Eyes  over  their  heads  (see  PI.  XXXVI).  If  the 
beards  upon  their  chins  are  not  a  mistake,*  copied  from  one 
papyrus  upon  another,  they  must  represent  not  Isis  and  Nephthys 

but  the  two  Rehu  ''^^"^  Q   V  '^  'J^  "^'^  '^"^  Thoth,  Sun  and  Moon, 


instead  of  the 

II 

It  is  important  to  note  that  if  Sun  and  Moon  are  Eyes  of  Osiris 
or  Ra  or  Ptah,  the  deity  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  them  :  they 
are  but  manifestations  of  himself. 

*  A  very  conceivable,  because  a  very  frequent,  one. 


{The  Holes  on  Chapter  125  ivill  be  conlinued  in  the  next  number 
of  the  Proceedings. ) 


16 


Jan.   14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


ASSYRIOLOGICAL    NOTES. 

By  Professor  Dr.  Fritz  Hommel. 

§13.  The  real  name  of  the  "Western  Country,"  mentioned  in 
the  Cuneiform  inscriptions:  In  a  paper  printed  in  the  "Sitzungs 
berichte  der  kgl.-preuss.  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften  zu  Berhn," 
1894,  No.  53,  p.  1299-1308  ("das  Westland  und  das  Land 
Amurri  nach  den  babylonischen  und  assyrischen  Inschriften  "),  Pro- 
fessor ScHRADER  tries  for  several  reasons  to  reject  M.  Delattre's 
ingenious  assertion,  that  the  well-known  geographical  term  mat 
■^--^^.-ri-i  should  in  all  places  be  read  A-mur-ri-i.  M.  Delattre 
was  led  to  this  reading  by  the  Amarna  tablets  (compare  these  Pro 
ceedings,  XIII  (1891),  p.  233/),  because  in  these  letters  Coelesyria 
is  not  on\y  n^xnedA-mu-ri,  A-iim-ur-ra,hut  also  A- ^^-ri  (A-;;/ur-ri), 
and  because  Assur-nasir-pal,  3,  84^  denotes  with  mdf  A-^^-ra-i 
the  same  district.  In  the  Amarna  tablets,  Berlin,  Nos.  31  and  32,. 
this  district  (Coelesyria,  compare  W.  Max  Muller,  "Asien  und 
Europa,"  in  several  places — this  important  work  is  not  at  all  cited 
by  Schrader)  is  called  mat  Mar-tu :  the  king  of  Khatti  marches, 
against  the  land  Nukhassi  (Inaugas  of  the  Egyptian  documents)  and 

the  town  Dunip  (near  Aleppo,   if  ^_^^    is  to  be   identified   with 

Dunip),  and  then  mounts  to  the  highland  of  Martu^  which  is  here 
of  course  (against  Schrader)  nothing  else  than  Amuri,  the  land  of 
the  governor  Aziru  (the  writer  of  the  letters,  Berlin,  31,  32,  33). 

Now,  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  and  also,  more  than  a  dozen 
centuries  ago,  in  the  old  Babylonian  texts  (of  Gudea,  the  later  kings 
of  Ur,  and  of  the  time  of  Khammu-rabi),  Martu  (or  mat  A-  ^^ 
-ri-i)  is  used  in  a  wider  sense,  designating  almost  the  whole  of 
Palestine  ;  and  because  Palestine  was  to  the  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians  the  Western  country,  Ka-r  r^oxyi',  A--^^-ri4  (as  also 
Mar-tu)  is  used  as  the  common  term  for  "Western."     Concerning. 

17  B 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  AKCILLOLOGV.  [1S96. 

A- ^^ -/■/-/,  if  used  in  this  wider  sense,  Professor  Schrader  pleads 
for  the  reading  A-khar-ri-'i. 

But  also  in  the  Old  Testament,  "'"^'^j?;^  (the  so-called  Nishat  or 
local  adjective  of  an  unused  singular  il'^pl^^ ,  which  I  identify  with 
Martii,  out  of  Aniarti/,  Ijecause  the  accent  lies  in  the  syllable  Mat-) 
is  used  in  this  wider  sense,  especially  in  some  books,  e.g.,  the  so-called 
later  Elohist  (here  ,"^~)^^^.  a  mere  synonym  of  ]V-3)  ;  and  in  the 
list  of  winds  in  the  Talmud  (Delitzsch,  "  Assyrische  Studien," 
p.  139),  this  A-.^^-ru-u  is  transcribed  h5"^lTt^,  which  cannot  be 
read  otherwise  than  minirriya.  Atvurriya  is  the  Neo-Babylonian 
])ronunciation  for  Ainiirriyd  (comp.  argaman?2u,  p^^^  ;  Aiitil- 
Mardiik  'TT"!"^ti"?''1^^,  etc.,  etc.),  and  so  we  have  a  new  proof  for 
Dki.attre's  assertion  (instead  of  a  counter-evidence,  as  Professor 
ScHRADER  maintains). 

A  last  and  concluding  proof  for  Marfii  =^  A-i/ii/r-ri-i  lies  in  two 
passages  (overlooked  by  Assyriologists)  of  the  old  Babylonian  con- 
tract tablets,  as  I  will  now  shortly  show.  We  read,  Bu.  88-5-12, 
47  (time  of  the  king  Ammi-zaduga)  :  2%  gan  ikli  ugar  A-viu-ur-ri-i 
(-/&/),  compare  Meissner,  "  Beitrage  zum  altbabyl.  Privatrecht," 
p.  41/  In  another  tablet  of  the  same  collection  (Bu.  88-5-12,  179; 
Meissner,  p.  61)  and  of  the  time  of  the  same  king,  the  same  field 
is  called  vgar  Alar-tii  (9  gan  ikiu  ah-siiii  ugar  Mar-/n). 

§  14.  In  K.   257  (Haupt's  "  Keilschrifttexte,"  No.  21),  lines  29 

and   30,   we    read   t^yfyf  an-na  tyfTy  ki-n  sii-inii-ta  ni ,  in 

Semitic  :  bit  y][  y][  -ak.,  bit  >->-y  -//,  ana  ka-ti-ya  N-//ia-aI[-Ii  ?\  Here 
/'//  lyak  corresponds  to  t^yyyy  -an-na,  "  house  of  heaven,"  and  J^yyyy 
>--y  -//  to  tyyyy  kZ-a,  "  house  of  earth."  Compare  for  >->-y  -///;;/, 
"  earth,"  K.  9417  (Bezold's  "Catalogue,"  III,  p.  loio) :  u-tam-ni'i-ku- 
nu-sim  ("  I  conjure  50U  ")  sanii  (>->^y  -/'  to  be  pronounced  in  Sumerian 
ayi,  and  the  same  as  iya  in  y][  yj[  -ak)  irsitini  :  >->-y  A-uii  ->-y  -turn  ; 
"-^  Dii-  >-Cyy,  •^•^y  -^a-  ^t-]];  '-*-]  Luh-ma,  >->-y  La-ha-tna,  etc.,  etc., 
which  is  always,  in  several  variations,  the  same  expression,  "  heaven 
and  earth."  For  y][  T]^  -ak  (a  noun  like  asi/rakku,  abarakku,  etc.) 
compare  the  goddess  >->-Y  y\  yy,  the  wife  of  the  Sun-god,  written  in 
"W.A.I.,"  Ill,  66,  2d^^\  \\  y{  -i-tii  (i.e.,  lyaitu,  "the  heaven-like," 
compare  Anunitii,  from  A'lioi,  the  older  form  o^  Anion),  and  names 
like   •->-T  Ty   Yy    rani-mii,    'Senach.,'"  2,   54  (\'oram,  as  Mr.  Pinches 

18 


Tan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

showed,  "P.B.A.S."  VIII,  28),  or  — f  f^  ]"{  -ka-ma-ru,  "W.A.I." 
IV,  2^  ed.,  pi.  47,  No.  I  (the  name  of  a  Masaean  sheikh).* 

Of  the  greatest  grammatical  interest  is   Da-  »-^yy,  the  fem.  of 

Du-  >-^yy  (compare  Arabic  ,i,  fem.  ci-J^j?),  or  Laha?na,  fem.  of 
Liihma,  in  this  latter  case  evidently  an  internal  formation  for  the 
feminine  gender.      Or    should  we   compare   the   Arabic   fem.   form 

jUi?  compare  Paul  de  Lagarde,  "  Ubersicht,"  p.  23:  "(die 
Femininform  c^xi  begegnet  recht  haufig  in  Schimpfnamen  fiir  Frauer, 
denen    fiir  Manner   Ji.i; .  Formen    zur    Seite   gehen,    wie    t±-«lX>- 

khahdzi  und  ei^vlri.  khubazu  'Scheusal,'  u.a.")  So  I  think  it  very 
probable  that  we  should  see  in  LuJwia  an  original  masculine  form 
Luhamu  (which  must  become  in  Babyl.  Assyr.  Ltihmu)  and  in 
LaJhhna  an  original  feminine  form  Lahami.  For  the  etymology 
may  be  compared  Arabic  ////;;//,  "a  large  kind  of  fish,"  in  best 
accordance  with  the  chaotic  character  of  Liihmu  and  Lalnhnu  in 
the  cosmogonic  texts  of  the  Babylonians.  Professor  Sayce  sees 
also  in  Beth-Lekhem  the  same  mythological  being  ;  that  he  is  right, 
is  proved  by  the  names  of  other  towns,  such  as  Beth-Dagon,  Beth-El, 
Beth-Ba'al-Ma'on,  Beth-'Anat,  Beth-Shemesh — all  these  composed 
with  beth,  "  house,"  and  the  name  of  a  god. 

§  15.   In  S'^    287-8  ^yyy  *^]L'   Sumerian  sur-ru,  is  translated 
by   the   Semitic   kal/'/,    "priest,    sorcerer;"    the   same   meaning  has 

>^yyy  ^  ^r_,  "w.a.l,"  ii,  21,  41  and  46  (compare  *;^yyy  !^ 

/iz='mzu,  S''  286,  "she-goat").  In  the  star  hst,  "W.A.L,"  V, 
46,  38,  we  have  ^yyy  ^^y  (instead  of  "^yyy  "^IL?),  "she-goat;" 
compare  "Zeitschr.  fiir  Assyr.,"  Ill,  p.  204.  The  sign  S^^  seems 
to  have  had  two  different  values,  the  one  ^as,  ras,  and  the  other  sur, 
si.'d,  for  which  latter  may  be  compared  "W.A.L,"  IV,  2,  4,  S^^-  S^^ 
(with  the  variant  "lif^-  ^-  !)  and  "W.A.L,"  IV,  3,  23,  ^^  S%:  -da 
(Semitic  ha-ani-rd).      In  ^yyy  S^^,  "  she-goat,"' ^^,  seems  to   me 

*  Jensen  too,  in  his  "  Kosmologie,"  p.  274,  identified  Auatu  in  a  similar  list 
(''W.A.I.,"  Ill,  69,  No.  I,  obv.,  compare  Jensen's  book,  p.  272)  with  the 
earth  ;  notwithstanding,  he  explains  bit  Irak  in  K.  257  as  Semitic  translation  of 
tTTfl  I'i-a,  "house  of  earth,"  and  /'//  >->-y  -ti  (bit  Anati)  as  Semitic  translation 
<:if  tlfyy  an-na,  "house  of  heaven,"  in  Schrader's  "  Keilinschr.  Bibl.,"  Ill, 
y>.  202.  note. 

19  B    2 


Jan.  14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCIL-EOLOGY.  [1S96. 

to  be  the  phonetic  indicator  for  the  pronunciation  ^i^az  (Neo-Sumerian 
2iz),  semitisized  J^asu  ("W.A.I,"  IV,  29,  52,  ka-si-i  hai-lu-ti,  "slaugh- 
tered goats,"  in  Sumerian  *  ^  Jt^ItJ  ^<^  ^T).  '^vhilst  in 
';iyY|  s^^  "^y  I  think  ^:^  the  phonetic  indicator  for  the  pronun- 
ciation sur.  Concerning  ^]^  in  *  ^f  fetW)  "goat,"  wc  have 
here  probably  the  same  determinative  suffix  as  in  ^J  ^J^  (  = 
askaru),  because  askar  was  really  a  Sumerian  word  for  "goat;" 
compare  -^  ^  ^^  {sal  as-kar)  =  ini'iki/,  Arabic  'anak  (Homimel, 
"  Saugethiernamen,"  Leipzig,  1879,  p.  435))  and  the  star  »—  ^J, 
i.e.,  as-kar,  "  Capella  "  (Semitic  iku,    -i^ls.)- 

Concerning  *^]]]  ^^i  "she-goat,"  I  cannot  agree  with  Jensen 
and  ZiMMERN,  "Z.A.,"  III,  204,  and  see  in  it  the  Assyrian  form  of 
the  old    Babylonian  sign    •-      <;^    in  the  inscriptions   of  Gudea 


(statue  F,  4,  5  ;  cyl.  B,  10,  4) ;  I  would  rathLi  identify  the  latter 
with  Assyrian  >-^^^^  {gutui  of  *~t^  ^,  "  Sumerische  LesestUcke," 
p.  8,  No.  91),  dara=^iiirahu.  Compare,  too,  Lenorm ant's  "Choix," 
No.  56  (upon  a  statue  of  the  god  Nabu-Nusku)  ^<T>~~i 
<^    ;^^hmi,  which  I  think  to  be  transcribed  Jl^^^y  >"^^J|!|^ 


->^yy    l:j:y,  BU-dara-zuab  (syn.    of   ^^y  Bil-'^\^    "W.A.I.,"  V, 
43,  37  =  NabQ,  and  --y  Bil-gab,  "W.A.I.,"  IV,  i,  49/^). 

Even  Lenormant  ("Journal  Asiatique,"  yieme  serie,  vol.  X,  1877, 
p.  126,  note  i)  translated  '>^yyy  *^I_  kalu  with  "  vaisseau  "  (Heb. 
"'Vw).  It  is  true,  that  this  kalii  generally  signifies  "priest,"  but  it 
must  have  existed  as  a  Babylonian  word,  kalii,  "ship."  This 
is  proved  not  only  by  the  determ.  ^yyy,  "ship,"  but  also  by  the 
inscriptions  of  Gudea.  We  read,  Gudea  D  3,  3  and  8,  the  word  ma 
(ship)  *sJ^)  which  is  translated  by  Amiaud  with  "bark."  Jensen 
("  Keilinschr.  Bibl.,"  Ill,  p.  52)  adopts  this  translation,  and  cites 
for  the  reading  ma-gur  the  interesting  syllabary  83,  1-18,  1330 
(published  by  Bezold  in  these  "Proceedings,"  December,  1888), 
Rev.  4,  26,  where  we  read  : — 

u-ru  *^\  a-bu-bii ;  siib-tum 

gur  t:^M  sa  ilippi :  tu-ba  (>)-bu. 

Here,  the  sign  t^[    is  evidently   intended   to  represent   not  only 
the  Old-Babylonian  (-^  =  >-Xyfyy  ali/,  mafizasu,  mihu,  sutu,  and  = 


Jan.    14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

>-J:yi^yy  alu,  abfibu  (Sumerian  uru),  but  also  the  Old-Babylonian 
<^%>l  {i.e.,  <C7^)  "^T  ^^'ith  the  reading  gal,  7>iiil,  orig.  gur,  and 
an  inscribed  %).  Compare  also  the  two  words  y][  **~Wi  *"^I  — 
abubii  and  J:yy^  ^t|y  (Gudea  B,  6,  41  ZZ:|  |— <J>  )  =  abiilue{^o 
also  >->-y  tyy>-  *^^^y)  Rammamt,  or  better,  Abiibii,  Egypt.  ' Apep, 
compare  ^^),  where  *-^y  ^vas  used  to  render  the  sign  <^1|^!- 
But,  since  '^yyy  '^T_  kalu  (orig.  "ship,"  Heb.  '^7^)  is  evidently 
the  same  as  "jjj  <^f^  "  bark  "  (see  above),  also  *ST_  was  used 
in  some  cases  to  render  the  sign  •<C^>]- 

So  we  have,  as  the  rhiune  of  this  whole  investigation,  for  <C^^ 
in  Assyrian  writing  : 

1.  ■^y  {giir,  ur,  also  gid,  vul)  compare  the  name  of  the  daemon 
■^y  y*",  711  iil-la^=  gall i"/,  '^y,  "taurus"  in  the  zodiac. 

2.  >-^Ey  {gur,  di/r?)  in  }nar-->^'^\,  "  storm,"  "  storm-god,"  and 
a-ind-*-'^\,  "storm,"  (orig.  "water  in  the  ship?"). 

3.  "ST^  {giif)  in  't:yyy  *^T_,  "ship,  bark." 

4.  *"Cyyyy  (and  >-^yi^yy),  this  fouith  perhaps  being  only  a 
synonym,  because  '-^yffy  has  otherwise  the  equivalent  of  p-^  in 
the  inscriptions  of  Telloh,  e.g.,  i"   j-J    ((^  ,  gisgalla-ki  (Babel). 

§  16.  Professor  Strong  in  his  learned  and  interesting  paper  on 
alliteration  in  Babylonian  poetry  ("Proceedings,"  XVII,  pp.  131-151) 
gives  a  transliteration  and  translation  of  the  text  K.  8204  {ibidem, 
p.  139).  In  this  text  we  have  not  only  alliteration,  but  (not  noticed 
till  now)  rhyme.     Compare  lines  : — 

3.  sa  diiJiha kdsa 

4.  sarka icisa 

5.  alsi-ka allal 

6.  altapil 7idial 

7.  allapit ubal 

8.  altanasi kdial 

9.  diin}ia?>iii diihdu 

10.  durus isdii 

1 1 .  dunki hidu 

12.  ditr  abni tiddii 

21 


Jan.    14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.^OLOG V.  [1896. 

'Jherefore  we  must  restore  lines  i  and  2,  not 

1.  sa  lakata  ina  Hani  ul  iiitiasi  [ri-sa'\ 

2.  sa  hi  si  u  dutmavn  tukaii  is[dii\ 

as  Professor  Strong  does,  but 

1.  sa  lakata [^-m//] 

2.  sa  i/isi is\_issu'] 

written  probably  ri-is-su  and  is-sis-su  (for  ris-su  and  isid-su). 

In  line  ii,  dunki  tatirakku  cannot  mean:  "with  favour  thou 
coverest  me,"  since  tatirakku  (2nd  sing,  of  it'iru^  "to  save")  has  the 
sufifix  of  the  2nd  person;  or,  should  we  read  ta-sar-ra-ku  "(which) 
thou  bestowest  "  (-<^  being  also  sar.  not  only  ///  and  //) } 

^17.  In  the  same  paper,  Professor  Strong  published  an 
incantation  to  the  fire  god,  K.  2455,  which  begins  :  Gibil  sarhii 
bukur  Aiiim,  ilitti  il'/ti/ii  sakut  {Hat)  Salas.  I  translate  these  lines  : 
"  Gibil  the  mighty,  the  firstborn  of  Anu,  the  pure  child  of  the 
sublimity  of  the  goddess  Shala."  '  I  think  we  have  here  the  well- 
known  consort  of  the  god  Ramman,  Shala,  with  the  Kassitic  ending 
in  -as* 

Another  interesting  name  of  a  deity  is  Mi/'at,  Iv  3600  (a  hymn 
addressed  to  the  goddess  Nana,  the  latter  called  here  himt  •— ^Y 
Mii-'ji-a-ti),  cited  by  Professor  Strong,  p.  135,  note.  This  name 
seems  to  me  the  same  as  the  Phenician  Mot  (Mu't)  of  Philo,  the 
offspring  of  llo.?os-  and  Ui'c?'i.iii,  and  the  father  of  sun,  moon,  and  stars. 
The  etymology  is  perhaps  given  by  the  Ethiopic  O^lyf-  :  [mu'at), 
"victory."  If  WveofLia  is  Bel  (the  air)  and  the  sun  and  the  stars 
Marduk  and  the  other  jilanets,  Ma'-T  must  be  Ea,  the  god  of  earth 
and  water;  in  this  case,  Nana  must  be  in  K.  3600  an  epithet  of 
Dam-gal-nunna,  the  wife  of  Ea. 

§  18.  Another  alliterative  hymn  i.s  K.  9852 — compare  Bezold's 
"Catalogue,"  vol.  Ill,  p.  1043;  here  we  read  ti-is-sih-ki  (or  li-is- 
lil-kii)  iir-kit  s'lri,  li-si-si-ki   >->-y  I' -a  bit  [//iwiki  ?],   li-id-di-ki   .-.^y 

*  Supplementary  note  :  Compare  on  Shalash  (by  the  side  of  Shala),  Jensen, 
"Z.A.,"  VI,  69. 

22 


JA\.   14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

Nuii-giin-iiiud  (eic).  In  this  text,  the  writing  ^Vi!^«-^/w-/;«/^,  instead 
of  the  well-known  epithet  of  Ea,  >->-y  N'u-gim-fuud,  is  very  remarkable. 
We  learn  from  it,  also,  that  the  Babylonians  spelled  Ahdi,  the  old 
name  of  the  heavenly  ocean,  as  Nu,  like  the  Egyptians. 

§  1 9.  The  expression  ^VI  %X\  ^!!f  : 
Gudea,  Cyl.  A,  15,  7  «"•,  we%ead  :  -Vf  %ll>]]}  /V-  ^VT 
Tt^^^llPf  -ia  mu-na  J^y,  Ma-gaii  Mi-hi^-^a  hir-bi-ta  gi't  gis  (=  kal 
is/,  "all  sorts  of  woods'')  mu-na-ab-gal,  i  ("house")  >->-y  Nin-gir-su-ka 
X^.  -ni,  i.e.,  "out  of  the  land  of  >-'^T  -irin  he  fetched  the  wood  (or 
resin  ?)  of  cedars,  out  of  the  mountains  of  Magan  and  Milukh  he 
ordered  (caused  to  be  brought)  all  sorts  of  woods  and  built  with  it 
the  temple  of  Ningirsu.' 

The  same  ex])ression  is  used  in  an  old  Babylonian  inscription, 
published  by  H.  AVinckler  in  his  "  Untersuchungen,"  p.  157  : 

Ka{})-sd-  ^^y  ^Vy  %ll>m,  Pc^-ti-si  -VI  m>\%  '^^^kanak 
ina-ti  riaiii-ti. 

Mr.  George  Smith  in  his  "  Early  History  of  Babylonia  "  {Records 
of  the  Fast,  III),  translated  the  same  inscription  erroneously  Mi{7)-sa 
A^Tiia  kalaiii-ini (?),  '"  viceroy  of  Ridu  (=  Eridu),  high  priest  of  Mati- 
....  num." 

Concerning  the  god  >->-y  ^^'^  TtJI^ffy,  perhaps  the  names 
-I  -V  l^llNnr  (^-'-^  -T  -Vl§Il^  of  Elam?)  and  -^y  -V 
^T  lEZl^^^II)  both  signifying  Nindar  (Brunnow,  No.  3007  and 
3045)  are  to  be  compared.  Compare  also  Delitzsch,  "Paradies,'" 
p.  327  ;  the  name  of  this  god  was  TiSbak  (which  I  think  Tisub 
with  the  Elamitic  ending  -ak)  and  he  was  also  the  god  of  Susa 
(Susinak).  Delitzsch  reads  Tiskhu ;  but  Ti-is-  *-\<\  is  evident))- 
to  be  read  Ti-is-bak.  On  Tisup  see  also  Jensen,  "Zeitschr.  fi.r 
Assyr.,"  V,  p.  202,  note,  and  VI,  68  ff.  (in  IMitanni  and  Su  Tisi/J^as). 

%  20.  In  the  Elamitic  proper  name  Ma-nk-ti-ti  ("  Rec.  de  trav.," 
XIII,  pi.  IX,  cited  by  Jensen,  "W.Z.K.M.,"  VI,  217)  we  have 
evidently  the  same  deity  as  in  the  well-known  name  Kudur-Mabuk. 
Mabuk  and  Ma^uk  are  only  variants  of  spelling.  Since  the  Baby- 
lonian goddess  Ba'ti  is  also  written  Babu.  I  think  that  we  should 
probably  see  in  Mabuk  this  same  name,  but  in  an  Elamiticized  form. 
Mr.  Pinches  found  a  tablet  with  all  the  names  of  the  kings  of 
Gen.  xiv  (see  the  still  unpublished  "Acts  of  the  Geneva  Congress"), 

23 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILLOI.OGV.  [1896. 

viz.,  Ifai!U!iu-7-abi\  Iriakii,  Kitdiir-Ditgiiial  (for  -Luminal,  compare 
Tugdammi  and  Lygdamis),  the  latter  written  J^  JEJ  JEJ  ^y,  and 
Tudhul ;  the  form  "^^i^^lT^  in  Gen.  xiv  goes  back  to  an  older 
Kudur-Lagamar.  Now,  Lagamar  was  an  Elamitic  goddess,  and  I 
tliink  it  not  impossible  to  see  in  Kudur-Mabuk  a  half-Semitisized 
form  of  Kudur-Lagamar.  In  this  case,  Ba'u  (Elamitisized  Mabuk) 
would  have  been  the  Babylonian  correspondent  of  the  Elamitic 
Lagamar.  We  find  quite  an  analogous  Semitisizing  in  Rim-sin  of 
the  inscriptions  (for  the  more  Elamitic  Iri-Aku)  ;  compare  also 
Harbi-Bel  for  Harbi-Shipak,  etc. 


Jan.   14]  rROCEEDlNGS.  [1896. 

EUPHRATEAN    STELLAR    RESEARCHES. 
By  Robert  IjROwn,  Junr.,  F.S.A. 

Part  V.  —  Tlie  Archaic  Stellar  Researches.     (Continued.) 

X. 

GUSIRKESDA  ("The  Yoke  of  the  Enclosure  "),  =  7,  f,  '/-  0 
and  (Pi'iTi'ij  (i't0eAo6<c//v)  Caiicri.  According  to  Prof.  Hommel,  at  this 
point  in  the  tablet  we  enter  on  an  '  Excursus,'  and  the  scene,  for 
.some  reason  unknown,  is  suddenly  shifted  to  the  North  Pole  {vide 
Vol.  XVII,  p.  289).  This  asterism,  the  name  of  which  he  reads  as 
^^  Musir-sar-da  {?,\)x\c\\  Mi/sir-sadda)"  or  '■  Miisir-Kisda,'  is,  he  states, 
the  "Grossen  Gott  Anu  des  Himmels,"  the  "Joch  des  Himmels,"  the 
'  Nordpol,'  and  the  Pole-star,  which,  cir.  B.C.  3000,  was  «  Draconis 
{Vie  Astro7i.,  iii,  i,  5).  So,  again,  "  Stern  mii-sir-sadda  (Nord  polar- 
.stern)  Gott  Anu  "  (/Z^/^.  12).  In  JF.A.I.,  V,  xviii,  24  Gusirkesda 
is  explained  as  J^  -^TT  V  »^Hf-  f^fy,  Ni-ru  sa  sain-c,  "the  Yoke 
of  the  heaven  ;  "  and  in  Ihid.  V,  xlvi,  47,  as  Nirii  rakisu,  "Yoke- 
binding."  In  the  passage  before  us  (//v'^.  V,  xlvi,  12)  it  is  called 
"the  Yoke  0/  the  Ejic/osiirc  oi  Ar\u\Ani/ii,  n.  genitive  with  mimma- 
tion]  prince  of  the  great  heaven  "  (vide  Proceedings,  Feb.,  1890, 
p.  190).  In  JF.A./.,  II,  xlvii,  16,  it  is  styled,  similarly,  "the  Yoke 
of  the  Enclosure"  ^^-  \\  <^;<y  ^f-  <  V  ^*f  tf^  'Hi  A-nim  [gen., 
:\'r,  "A^osQ^rab-ii  sa  sani-e,  "of  Anu,  prince  of  heaven."  It  is  thus 
clear  that  neither  the  '  Yoke,'  nor  the  'Enclosure,'  is  Anu,  but  is 
said  to  belong  to  him  ;  nor  can  we  imagine  how  a  single  star  could 
well  be  described  as  a  '  Yoke.'*  Nor,  in  all  this,  is  there  anything 
about  the  North  Pole  or  the  Pole-star;  but,  on  the  contrary,  as  Prof. 
Sayce  observes,  "the  ecliptic  was  termed  'the  yoke  of  heaven  '  " 
{Rel.  Aftcf.  Babs ,  p.  48),  an  idea  perfectly  natural  and  comprehen- 
sible. Thus,  Aldebaran  {a  Taiiri)  was  technically  called  Fidnii, 
"  the  Yoke  "  {vide  Vol,  XVII,  p.  289),  the  ecliptic  being  regarded  as  a 
'  yoke  '  laid  across  heaven,  and  its  name  being  technically  transferred 
to  its  first  great  star.  And  if  in  JF.A./.,  II,  xlvii,  16,  we  read 
^y  >— <  {ina-viit,  Sayce),  instead  of  ^y>-  ^  {rab-u,  Bertin),  the  result  is 
similar  ;  for  the  As.  maniit  (derived  from  an  Ak.  goddess  Mami, 
who  fixes  destinies)  =  Ak.  sabba.  Sum.  sagga,  sangua,  =  sanga, 
"a  bond"  (=  yoke),  "whence  the  Sem.  sanaqu,  'to  bind,'"  (Sayce, 

*  For  an  instance  of  two  or  more  stars  being  so  regarded,  vide  Proceedings, 
April,  1S92,  p.  299. 

25 


Jan.    14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOCV.  [icSyC. 

Rel.  Anct.  Babs.,  p.  306,  n.  i).  Either  Anu  is  the  'arbiter'  (Sayct.) 
of  heaven,  or  "  the  Yoke  of  the  Enclobure"  is  "the  Yoke  of  heaven.' 
Jensen  also  quotes  W.A.I.,  II,  xlvii,  16,  to  show  that  '■^ Mu-sir-kisda 
=  Ami,'"  and  Anu,  he  thinks,  is  "  ein  Pol  des  Hinnnels."  "Anu  = 
Pol  der  Ekliptik  oder  =  Pol  des  Aequators  ''{Die  KosfnoIogii\ 
iS,  19).  He  may  well  hesitate  ;  there  is  as  much,  and  as  little,  to 
be  said  for  one  pole  as  the  other.  That  Kesda  means  enclosure 
(vide  Sayce,  Rel.  And.  Babs.,  ]).  154,  n.  i),  further  appears  from  the 
Ak.  x^-*"?  "to  cut,"  'division,'  and  the  Turko-Tataric  root  '  kes,  kee',' 
"  to  cut,"  "to  cut  up,"  '  small,'  'narrow,'  i.e.,  that  whicn  is  cut  up  or 
cut  off;  whence  such  words  as  tlie  Tchagatai  kes-ek,  'apiece." 
Hence,  too,  Kirgish  kes-u,  '  lot,'  '  destiny,'  i.e.,  that  cut  off  for  anrl 
appointed  to  anyone  (vide  Vambery,  Etymologisches  Worterbuch  der 
Tui'ko-Tatarischen  Sprache?!,  p.  98);  which  illustrates  the  connexion 
between  Kesda  {da  =  the  "  individualizing  affix  ")  and  Mami,  the 
destiny-goddess,  and  explains  why  the  common  Crane  was  called  in 
Ak.  Kesda  (vide  Rev.  Wm.  Houghton,  in  Transactions,  viii,  141). 
i.e  ,  on  account  of  its  sonorous  and  (supposed)  fatidical  voice  (vide 
Xas,  the  Crab,  Proceedings,  March,  1891,  p.  253). 

That  the  name  "Yoke  of  the  Enclosure"  (=  the  Ecliptic)  should 
be  applied,  with  a  secondary  reference,  to  the  stars  of  Cancer. 
is  both  natural  and  appropriate  (i)  because  Cancer  has  always 
been  regarded  as  the  beginning  or  highest  gate  of  the  ecliptic  ;  and 
(2)  because  there  are  no  particular  stars  in  this — "  the  Dark  Con- 
stellation " — to  suggest  at  first  sight  a  special  stellar  name.  I  have  at 
length  discovered  the  Ak.  name  of  the  crab,  i.e,  '^\  f^  ^T»^T  ^T' 
Nagar-asagga  ("The  Workman-of-the- Water-way,"  lit.  '  yoke  ;' vide 
Slip,  sagga) ;  and  this  name  is  applied  to  Cancer,  for,  in  a  Dilbaf 
Tablet  (No.  81-7-6,  102),  the  Kakkab  Nagar-asagga  is  the  star  (or 
constellation)  of  the  4th  (the  '  Crab ')  month  (Tammuz).  Hence, 
we  see  that  the  Sum.  Gusir  ('Yoke  ')  =  the  Sum.  Nagga  ('  Bond  '), 
so  that,  astronomically,  Gusirkesda  ("  The  Yoke  of  the  Enclosure  "") 
=  Nagar-asagga  ("The  \Vorkman-of-the-\\'ater-yoke ")  =  the  con- 
stellation Cancer.  In  further  illustration  of  the  above  explanation, 
we  find  that  the  4th  antediluvian  king,  who,  as  I  have  shown  (vide 
The  Celestial  Equator  of  Aratos,  sec.  ii ;  the  Academy,  July,  15. 
1893,  p.  56),  is  equated  with  J\)llux,  just  at  the  beginning  of  Cancer, 
is  named  '\^if.iivwv,  =z  Ak.  Uniun-an  ("Girdle-of-heaven ") ;  and 
vide  i?if.  Asterism  No.  XXX,  GUSIRAbBA.  The  Yoke  appears 
with  other  lunar  zodiacal  emblems  on  the  monuments. 

26 


Jan.   14]  'PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

=  Per.  9.  Avra-k  (=  7,  r,  »;,  £?,   and  <^dTin],    Lat.    Fraesepe,   the 

Cr/^,   Cancrt),   "the  Cloud"  (=  vecpeXoeidrj^),  Av.   awra,   Per.  rt/v, 

'cloud,'    Gk.    'a0/jo'9,    'foam.'     Cf.  Bundahis,   vii,     1: — "The    star 

Tis^tar  \^Siniis\  was  in  Cancer  [/>.,  was  a  paranatellon  of  the   Cr(7(^] 

...  in  the  sub-division  they  call  Avrak." 

Ind.  8.  Fusliya  (=  c,  9  Cancri),  'Foam,'  'froth'  (not  the  com- 
paratively meaningless  signiiication  'auspicious'),  =  Avrak-acjifxl^. 
Sometimes  called  Tishya  (=  Per.  Tistar,  sup.),  from  the  connexion 
above  noticed  between  Cancer  and  Sirius,  an  illustration  of  the 
non-original  character  of  the  Ind.  scheme. 

Chi.  8.  Kuei,  anc.  Kut  (=  7,  r,  q,  6  and  Praesepe  Cancri),  "  the 
Cloud-like,"  hence  "the  Ghost"  (  =  Ak.  kit,  '  dust-cloud,'  'ghost,'  the 
phantom  being  likened  to  a  cloud  of  dust,  Altaic  kut,  '  ghost '). 
Cf.  Mr.  Kingsmill  :  "  Kzvei,  a  name  of  ill  omen  applied  to  the 
manes  of  the  departed."     We  can  now  see  how  and  why. 

Ar.  8.  An-Nathrah  (=■  Same  stars),  "the  point  between  lip  and 
nostrils" — of  Leo,  unduly  extended  (vide  Ar.  7). 

Cop.  8.  Ermelia  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Nurturing-  (place)?"    Cf. 

Gk.  (tp^iaXia  =   ■)]  rpoCpi'j   =   'I>h'ti'7/. 

The  following  stars  do  not  seem  to  be  included  in  the  Ak. 
scheme  : — 

^  Caner/,  X  Leonis  -=  Ar.  9.  Al  Tarf,  "  the  Eyes  " — of  Leo. 

Per.  10.  Nahn,   "the   Nose"  (Av.   Naonka, 

'  nose  ') — of  Leo. 
Cop.  9.  Fiautos,  "the  Eye"  (Eg. //,  + //A/, 
"  symbolic  eye  ") — of  Leo. 
c,  6,  p,  tf,  7j,  a  LLydrae  =  Ind.  9.  Aclesha,   "  the  Entwiner."     Said 
to    mean    '  embracing,'  '  serpents.'     Possibly   a  reference  to   LLydra 
is  contained  in  the  name. 

^,  e,  p,  ^,  0  LLydrae  =  Chi.  9.  Liu,  "  the  Willow.  A  '  binder,' 
"  Circular  garland."  The  reference  in  each  case  appears  to  be  to 
the  more  or  less  circular  form  of  the  stars  in  question,  and  such  an 
origin  illustrates  the  variant  character  of  these  asterisms. 

XL 

TUR-US-MAL  MAx  ("The  Son  of  the  Supreme  Temple")  = 
u  Hydrae  {Alphard,  "the  Solitary").  The  identifications  of  theXtli 
and  Xllth  mansions  leave  us  with  this  notable  star  for  the  Xlth. 
The  name  seems  to  imply  a  single  star. 

=  Chi,  10.  Sing{=  a,  7  LLydrae),  "the  Star,"  anc.  Tah  (cf.  Ak.  Tur). 

27 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  J5I1JLICAL  ARCILliOLOGV.  [1896. 

XIT. 

GISMES  ("  The  Curved  Weapon  "),  =  >/,-/,  jT,  ;<,  c,  \Leo/iis(=The 
Sic/c/e).  CJ.  the  Turko-Tartaric  root  kaj,  kij,  "to  bend,"  'curve,' 
etc.,  whence  the  Tchagatai  kas,  '■how  '=.Ak.  gis-?iie,  gis-ba7>i,  'bow' 
(vide  Sayce,  J^el.  Aucf.  Babs.,  p.  480   n.  3). 

=  Sog.  and  Kho.  9.  Khanishish  (  =  7,  7,  tT?  /'>  '>  '^  Leonis),  "the 
Scimetar "  (Per.  shimshir).  The  name  is  also  curiously  like  one 
meaning  "the  crooked  six"  (Per.  kliani,  '  crooked,' +  .$-//(?^//,  'six,' 
Av   khshvas). 

Ind.  10.  Magha  (  =  «,  Vj  7)  K,  fU  e  Leonis),  "the  Cireat."  So, 
Rcguhis  (a  Leonis),  in  the  Per.  scheme,  is  "  the  Great-one  in  the 
middle  [e/.  Per.  11]  of  the  sky"  {Bimdahis,  ii,  8). 

Ar.  10.  Aj-Jabhah  (  =  «,  */,  7,  'C,  Leonis),  "the  Forehead" — of 
Leo. 

Cop.  10.  Tifefni  (=  Same  stars),  "  the  Forehead  "  (Eg.  imi.  Cop. 
//,  'the'  +  Cop.  fe/ni,  'forehead,'  Eg.  fe/ien)—oi  Leo. 

XIII. 

GUBBARA  ("The  Fire-flame"),  =  «  Leonis  {Regulus).  The 
5th  antediluvian  king  'Afieyd\a/>o'},  =  Ak.  Amil-gal-ur  ("  King-of-the- 
celestial-sphere  "),  is  equated  with  Regjilus,  a  star  in  the  late  Bab. 
astronomy  called  ^rtrn^C'the  King").     'O  Ae'a-i/  e'xc  tTrJ  t)/?  Kophius 

tiaTHiid    KaatXivKov    Xc/oftci'O}',     ui>   01    \a\r(i?ot     vofii^ouaiu   cip^rii'    Til'V 

oi'imviicv  (Schol.  in  Arat.,  Fhai.,  148). 

=  Per.  II.  Miyan  (=  «  Leonis),  "  the  Centre"  {Av.  Maid/iydna, 
'  middle  ') — of  heaven,  and  of  Leo  {rf.  Ind.  10). 

Sog.  10.  Magh  (=  Same  star),  "the  Great,"=Ind.  10  (Av.  niaz, 
great,'  Lat.  magnus). 

Kho.  10.  Achir  (=  Same  star),  "  Possessing- luminous  -  rays  " 
(Av.  ^r,  "to  penetrate,"  aaxn,  "  rays-of-light."     Cf.  Lat.  acer). 

XIV. 

KUA  ("The  Oracle  "),=:r,  0  Leonis. 

=  Sog.  II.  Wadha  (  =  f,  0  Leonis),  "the  Wise"  (A v.  7'id,  "to 
know,"  vidits,  '  wise,'  Sk.  vida,  '  one-knowing  '). 

Kho.  1 1.  Amagh  (  =  Same  stars),  "  the  Great,"  =  Sog.  10. 
Ind.  II.  Piuva  rhalguni{=  Same  stars),  "the  Former  Red-one." 

28 


Jan.   14]  TROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

Ar,  II.  Az-Zubrah  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Shoulder" — oi  Leo. 

Cop.  II.  Fikhorion  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Shoulder "  (Eg. ////, 
Cop.  //,  '  ihty^-'tqa/iu,  '  shoulder ') — of  Zeo. 

The  following  is  a  variant  of  the  Ak.  scheme : — 

Chi.  II.  Tc/iang,  anc.  Tjun^  (  =  \  «')  /'j  0>  v  Hydme),  "the 
Archer." 

XV. 

LAMAS  ("The  Colossus"),  called  in  As.  Mikid-isati  ("The 
Burning-of-fire ").  This  star  is  also  called  Sa,  As.  Sanuc  ("  the 
Blue "),  which,  from  its  colour,  was  also  a  name  of  Mercury. 
Smyth  describes  Denebola  as  "  a  standard  Greenwich  star,  with  a 
distant  companion,  on  the  switch  of  Leo's  tail,  A  2^,  bluish  ;  B  S, 
dull  red"  {Celestial  Cycle ^  ii,  257).  = /^  Leonis  {Denelwla,  := 
Dhanab-al-asad,  "  the  Tail  of  the  Lion  "). 

=  Per.  12.  Avdem  {=/3  Leom's),  "  the  One  in  the  tail"  (Av.  avl, 
'  in,' +  Per.  dumb,  '  tail.' 

Sog.  12.  Widhu  {=  Same  star),  "  the  Burning-one  "  (Aryan  root 
Md ;  cf.  Sk.  root  v/da/i,  "  to  burn  "). 

Kho.  12.  Widhayii  (=  Same  star),  "the  Burning-one"  {cf.  Sk. 
vidaha,  '  burning  ').  The  reference  is  probably  to  the  time  of  year, 
as  Aratos  says  of  Zeo,  "These  are  the  hottest  pathways  of  the  Sun" 
iyPhai..,  149). 

Ind.  12.  Ultara  Fhalgum{=[i,  i^T,  Leo?us),^^i\\e'L^liQx  Red-one." 
The  Phalgunyau  are  called  Arjunyau  ("  The  Bright  ").  The  Vedic 
Arjuni  =  Gk.  Argytmis. 

Ar.  12.  As-Sarfah  {-^fiLeojiis.,  "the  Changer" — of  the  weather: 
otherwise  Al-Dafirah  {^Daphird),  "  the  Tuft-of-hair  " — at  the  end 
of  the  tail  of  Leo. 

Cop.  12.  Asphidia  (=/3,  0  Leonis).  Possibly  =  Gk.  'A(T0aX^o> 
("the  Securer"),  applied  to  the  Dog  {cf.  Per.  13),  as  a  guard;  but, 
more  probably,  =  Ar.  Azyal  ("  The  Tail  "),  the  reference  being  to 
0  Leonis.,  called  in  late  Bab.  astronomy  "  the  Tail  of  the  Dog  of  the 
Lion  "  (t|  -y-<4-Jff|  Ijy  y{),  and  {i  Leonis,  called  "  the  Tail  of  the 

Lion"(^y^y4Hfn;f)-* 

A  variant  or  '  external '  asterism  here  occurring  is  : — 
a,  /3,  7,  r,  f  Crateris  =  Q\\\.  12.    Yh,  o.nc. /j'h  ("The  Wing") 
The  Bird-idea  is  preserved. 

*  Vide  R.  B.  Jr.,  in  the  Academy,  Nov.  10,  1894,  p.  379. 
29 


Jan.   14J  SOJIETV  OF  BIIJLICAL  ARCH.-FOLOGV.  [1896. 

XVI. 

NINSAR  ("The  Lady-of-hcaven,"  =  Uiav- Virgo),  =  ft,  ,],  7  ,  c,  <; 
Viri^i'/iis. 

=  Per.  13.  Mashaha  (=  A  >h  7>  '~'  ^  Virgi?iis),  "the  Domestic- 
animal  "  (Av.  Mashyovanha),  i.e.,  the  Dog. 

Sog.  13.  Fastashat  (=  Same  stars).  A  variant  corruption  of  tlie 
I'er.  name. 

Kho.  13.  Afsasat  (=  Same  stars).  The  like.  Af  ■=^  Fa  reversed 
(vide  Vol.  XVH,  p.  292). 

Ar.  13.  Al-Auwa  (=  S;ime  stars),  "the  Howler.''  It  seems  that 
a  Z^^^s,-"  (vide  sup..  Cop.  12)  was  imagined  after  the  Lion,  and  flying 
from  the  latter,  fearing  lest  it  should  turn  round. 

ft  Virginis  was  called  Zdwiyat-al-  autva  ("  the  Retreat-of-the- 
Howler  '')  =  Zavijava,  or  Min-al-'amva,  i.e.,  the  stars  of  the  Barker  or 
Barking-bitch.  This  Dog  was  not  a  se  larate  constellation,  hut 
included  in  Leo,  as  e.g.,  the  Goaf  {Cape/la)  in  Auriga.  J'roctor, 
speaking  of  c,  f,  7,  7,  and  ft  Virginis,  says,  "  For  some  cause  or 
other  .  .  .  this  corner  was  called  by  Arabian  [and  other]  astronomers 
'  ihe  retreat  of  the  howling  dog.'  {Easy  Star  La'ssous,  p.  109.)  The 
cause  now  appears,  and  it  supplies  an  interesting  instance  of  the 
connexion  between  the  Aral)ian  lunar  mansions  and  ]>abylonia. 

Cop.  13.  Abukia  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Lair  of  the  Howler" 
/  I'-g.  ab,  '•X'Mx.'  -\-  akbu,  'lament').  'I'he  patron-divinities  of  the  Ak. 
asterism  are  Nergal,  the  War-and-death-god,  and  Istar  as  the 
•  Double-one,'  "Star  of  the  morn  and  eve";  and,  in  this  connexion 
we  meet  with  a  Twy-headed  Dog,  respecting  which  Mr.  \\".  St.  Chad 
Hoscawen  observes  :  "  The  double-headed  dog  often  represented 
on  the  boundary-stones  was  the  emblem  of  the  god  Tutu  ...  as  god 
of  the  morning  and  evening  dawns,  'the  begetter  and  restorer  of 
the  gods,'  like  the  Indian  Yama  or  dog-headed  god  of  death  and 
the  dawn."  (In  Western  Origin,  p.  81.)  This  dog-myth  is  widely 
diffused;  in  China  we  fnid  the  belief  in  "two  monstrous  dogs 
[=  the  Twy-headed  Dog],  guardians  of  the  road  from  which  there 
is  no  return"  \Ibidl\  ;  and  "  the  identity  of  the  four-eyed  dog  of  the 
Parsi  with  Kerberos  and  \'ama"s  dogs  appears  from  the  Parsi 
tradition  that  the  yellow-eared  dog  watches  at  the  head  of  the 
A'inva/  bridge,  which  leads  from  this  to  the  next  world,  and  with 
his  barking  drives  away  the  fiend  from  the  souls  of  the  holy  ones." 
( Darmesteter,    in  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,   IV,  Introd.,    p.  Ixxxvii). 


Jan.    14J  PROCEEDINGS.  [iUgG. 

Thus,  in  Euphratean  idea,  besides  the  Death-god  and  the  Evening- 
goddess  stands  the  mystic  Dog,  guardian  of  the  good,  terrible  to 
the  wicked  ;  and  the  five  mansions  above  mentioned  have  faithfully 
preserved  the  Euphratean  connexion. 

XVII. 

DANNU-DAMU  C  The  Hero  of  the  Sky-furrow  ")  =  a  Jlrginis 
{Spica).  "  The  furrow  of  heaven  "  =  the  ecliptic,  and  Anawos-,  the 
6th  antediluvian  king,  Dun  (  =  Dannu),  "the  Hero,"  or  "Mighty- 
one,"  is  equated  with  Spica.  The  Eg.  name  of  the  star  is  somewhat 
similar  in  signification,  Repa  ("the  Lord,"  'Governor').  The 
ordinary  astronomical  name  of  Virgo  is  Ki  (cf.  Chi.  14,  Ki-o/i),  and 
in  K.  121 26  we  meet  with  the  Kakkab  ^"^  X^--^^')  which  may 
perhaps  mean  "  the  Propitious-one-of-wheal,"  and  refer  to  Spica* 

=  Per.  14.    (^piir  {=^a  Virginis),   "the   Point"  (Av.  Cparegha, 

•  point,'  =  Spica). 

Sog.  14.   Shaghar  (=:  Same  star),  "the  Point,"  =  Per.  14. 
Kho.  14.  Akhshafarti  ( =  Same  star),  "the  Sign  of  the  Point  " 
(Per.  akh.,  '  sign,'  +  shafar  =  shaghar). 

Ind.  14.  Kitra  (=  Same  star),  "the  Conspicuous,"  '  Brilliant.' 
Chi.  14.     A7(?/z,  anc.  Giiik^  Keok   (=  Same   star),    "the   Horn," 

*  Spike.' 

Ar.  14.  Sii/ink  (==  Same  star),  "the  Prop."  The  great  star  is  a 
support  of  heaven,  of  the  ecliptic-path,  and  of  kosmic  order 
generally.  Cf.  such  concepts  as  Atlas  ;  Mithra,  "  who  upholds  the 
columns  of  the  loft^y  house  ";  and  the  Eg.  god  Shu,  uplifter  of  the 
sky.     The   star  is   also   called  As-Sunibuleh  ("the  Ear  of  Corn'"), 

(  rk.  STa^y?. 

Cop.  14.  Khoritos  (=Same  star).  Probably  "the  Solitary" 
(Ar.  hdrid,  'lonely').  Cf.  No.  XI,  and  Ind.  14.  Chrysococcas 
calls  it  [^/(Trt']  /iUKpov  Koi'-api'iTo^;  "the  little  lance-bearer"  (Smyth, 
Celestial  Cycle,  ii,  296).  I  have  fully  entered  into  the  history  of 
]lrgo  and  Spica  elsewhere,!  and  have  given  from  the  monuments 
lepresentations  of  \%\.'!iX- Virgo  holding  Spica.  The  Per.  Sog.,  Kho.. 
and  Chi.  asterisms  have  all  carefully  preserved  "  the  point "  of  their 
<jriginal. 

*  For  a  Tablet  picture  of  the  zodiacal  Ear-of-coi-ii,  vide  R.  B.  Jr.,  The  Celestial 
Equator  of  Aratos,  p.  II,  tig.  7. 

+  Remarks 0)1  the  Zodiacal  Virgo  (  Yorks,  Archaeological Pournal,  Part  .\'XX\'I, 
1886). 

31 


Jan.   14J  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII.EOLOGY.  [1S96. 

XVIII. 

KURRA  ("  The  Horse  ")  =  a,  ft,  7,  c,  e  Corri.  On  the  Stone 
figured  in  JV.A.I.,  V,  Ivii,  the  Tzvo-headed  Dog,  the  Horse,  and  the 
C}-oiv  are  depicted  next  each  other,  just  as  their  asterisms  adjoin 
each  other ;  and  here,  the  patron-divinity  of  the  asterism  is 
I/n-dugud-xu  ("  the  Great  Storm-bird  ")  =  Conms,  who  elsewhere 
{W.A.I.,  III,  hii.  No.  I,  Ob.,  lines  26-7)  appears  in  a  stellar  aspect, 
Tsjs,  Kakkab  Im-dugud-yii,  in  As.  Ramdmi  ikabbid  ("the  Storm-god 
is  terrible  ").  The  figure  of  the  Horse  shows  a  horse's  head  and 
neck,  not  winged  ;*  and  there  is  thus  a  close  connexion  between 
the  Horse  and  the  constellation  Corvus,  the  Kakkab  Kurra  being 
ultimately  identical,  or  identified,  with  the  Kakkab  Im-dugud-x^i- 
The  heavens  show  various  constellations  of  the  same  name,  one 
reason  for  this  being  the  fact  that  it  is  often  easier  to  reproduce  an 
existing  idea  than  to  work  out  a  fresh  one  ;  and  thus  we  have  two 
Bears,  Dogs,  Lions,  Horses  [Pegasus  and  Eqiiulcus),  etc.  So,  it  is 
quite  unnecessary  to  conclude  hastily  that  the  Horse  in  question 
must  be  Pegasus ;  but  the  latter  has  faded  from  the  later  zodiac, 
his  place  being  taken  by  the  Croiv.  I  have  not  met  with  any 
record  of  the  Kakkab  Kurra  except  here. 

=  Ind.  13.  Hasta  (=0,  (3,  7,  c,  e  Con'i),  "the  Hand"  (Av.  zaefa, 
Old  Per.  daffa,  '  hand ').  It  is  possible  that  the  asterism  may  have 
been  compared  to  an  outspread  hand,  but  the  name  is  not  one  of 
an  archaic  character ;  and  it  is  far  more  probable  that  kasfa  here  is 
a  corruption  of  Sk.  asva,  Lith.  aszva,  Av.  aspa,  '  horse.' 

Chi.  13.  Tchifi,  anc.  Kusa?n  (=  Same  stars),  "  the  Crossbar  of  a 
chariot."  Here,  again,  the  shape  of  the  asterism  may  possibly 
have  suggested  the  name  ;  or  Kusa{tn)  may  be  a  reminiscence  of 
Kurra.     The  idea  of  'horse'  seems  to  be  preserved  to  some  extent. 

XIX. 

LULIM  ("The  He-goat  "),=  /,  k,  \  Virginis.  Prof.  Sayce 
observes  that  '■'■lulim  signified  both  'king'  and  'stag'"  [TransaetionSy 
iii,  169)  ;t  and  "  Ltibat  in  the  bilingual  list  is  identified  with  lulimii 
[a  word  taken  from  the  Ak.  luliin\  and  that  word  with  sar,  '  king ' 
or  '  leader,'  from  the  idea  of  the  ram  or  he-goat  taking  the  lead  of 
the  flock."    (Rev.  Wm.  Houghton,  in  Ibid.,  v,  45.)    We  are  not  here 

*  As  to  Pegasus,  vide  R.  B.  Jr.,  71ie  Celestial  Equator,  sec.  xi. 
t  lie  quotes  W.A.I.  II,  vi,  8,  31,  41  in  illustration. 

32 


Jan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

concerned  with  the  Ram  of  the  solar  zodiac,  but  with  the  He-goat 
of  the  lunar  zodiac,  which  appears  with  other  lunar  figures  on  the 
monuments  (vide  IV.A./.,  Ill,  xlv) ;  and  the  name  of  this  Sar  or 

*  Flock-leader '  is  faithfully  preserved  in  five  of  the  Derivatives. 
Lnliin  is  also  a  name  of  Saturn  (IK A. I.,  II,  xviii,  52  ;  Proceedifigx, 
June,  1893,  p.  469)  as  leader  of  the  planetary  flock  in  the  remoteness 
of  space. 

=  Per.  15.  Hiicru  {=  i,  k,  \  Virginis),  "the  Good-goer"  (A v. 
Hucraya?io,  from  Av.  hit,  Gk.  e?,  '  well,'  +  Av.  cri,  "  to  advance  "). 

Sog.  15.  Sarwa  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Leader"  (Av.  sara,  Per. 
sa?',  '  head,'  sanvar,  '  chief,'  '  head  '). 

Kho.  15.  Shushak  (=  Same  stars),  perhaps  a  corruption  of  Sog. 
15  ;  but  cf.  Per.  shahdz,  "the  leading  He-goat  of  the  flock." 

Chi.  15.  Kang,  anc.  Shukafi  {=  Same  stars),  said  to  mean  "the 
Strong,"  "the  Opposing."  Very  likely  SJmka{n)  =  Kho.  Shusha{k). 
As  noticed,  final  letters  are  frequently  added  in  the  corrupt  and 
borrowed  forms  of  the  names  of  the  asterisms. 

Ar.  15.  Al-Gafr  (=  Same  stars),  "the  young  Ibex,"  not  "  a/- 
Ghafr  (of  uncertain  sense),"  and  by  some  explained  as  "the  Cover- 
ing," an  expression  of  which  various  futile  explanations  have  been 
given. 

Cop.  15.  AV/^/w/W/Vz  =  Same  stars),  "the  Crooked  -  clawed  " 
(Gk.  7<7/<i/^a'\»/,  =  ^/a/jY^oTz/s'.  Hesychios),  i.e.,  the  tips  of  the  bent 
claws  oi  Scorpio,  extending  through  XijXai  (=  Libra). 

One  of  the  Derivatives  here  shows  a  remarkable  and  most 
unwarranted  variation  : — 

Ind.  15.  Svati  {^=  a  Bodtis),   "the  Good-goer"  (Sk.  su,  Av.  ////, 

*  well,'  and  the  root  af,  "to  go  constantly,"  '  walk  '),=  Per.  15.  The 
asterism  is  also  naturally  known  as  Nishtya  ("  the  External  ").  The 
Hindu  adapters  evidently  despised  the  comparatively  insignificant 
stars  of  No.  XIX,  and  determined  to  include  the  magnificent 
Arcturiis,  although  unsuitable  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  they  pre- 
served the  name  of  "  Good-goer,"  which,  however,  had  no  meaning 
in  this  new  connexion. 

XX. 

MULU  IZI  ("  The  Man  of  Fire  "),  =  (probably)  ^  Virginis  and 
c  Librae.  With  this  asterism  is  associated  the  star-god  Latarak,  who, 
as  appears  from  the  Planisphere  K.  8538,  was  connected  with  this 
part  of  the  heavens;  and  who  is  also  mentioned  in  K.  9741  with 

33  c 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILKOLOGV.  [1896. 

other  star-gods,  e.g.,  the  Honey-god  (--Jf-  ^^  t^,  As.  't'/u  A'is- 
dispi)  and  the  Twins  (yMastahba,  c  and  <  Virginis).  The  compara- 
tively small  size  of  the  stars  is  doubtless  the  reason  why  the  asterism 
only  appears  in  two  of  the  Derivatives. 

=  Sog.  16.  Fasarwa  (probably  =  /<  Virginis  and  c  Librae),  "the 
One  next  to  the  Leader"  ( Per. /a  =  7^/^?,  "  opposite  to," -f  6'rt'/7i'<i', 
vide  Sog.  15).     This  closely  defines  the  position  of  the  asterism. 

Kho.  16.  Sara-fsariwa  (probably  =  same  stars),  "the  Chief  one 
next  to  the  Leader,"  i.e.,  next  to  the  asterism,  1,  k,  X  Virginis. 

XXL 

BILAT  ("The  Lady")  =  a  and  /3  Librae.  "The  Lady"  = 
"  Beltis  of  Babylon,"  who  is  further  defined  as  "  the  Might  of  the 
Abode  of  life,"  i.e.,  Babylon.  We  only  get  here  a  connexion  be- 
tween the  asterism  and  a  particular  goddess,  not  the  actual  name  of 
the  former,  which  we  know  from  other  ])assages  was  Sugi  ("  the 
Chariot-yoke,"  vide  Proceedings,  May,  1S93,  p.  328,  et  seq.);  and  we 
find  that  "  in  the  night  the  king  presents  his  freewill  offering  ...  to 
Beltis  of  Babylon  before  the  constellation  of  the  Chariot."  *  I  am 
aware  that  this  latter  constellation  may  be  the  Wain  ;  but,  even  in 
this  case,  a  special  connexion  between  Bilat  and  chariot-stars  is 
established.  The  Derivatives  are  naturally  mainly  concerned  with 
the  Clatvs  of  the  .4//rt'r-embracing  (vide  Proceedings,  March,  1891. 
p.  260,  ct  seq.)  Scorpion. 

—  Per.  16.  Crob  (=  a  and  ft  Librae),  "the  Horned"  (Av.  cru  = 
^n'a,  '  horn,'  cruvara,  '  horned  ').  "  Nom  d'un  monstre "  (Dc 
Harlez),  and  here  referring  to  the  Scorpion,  a  monster  in  size  {cf. 
Aratos,  Phai.,  643),  the  huge  claws  sticking  out  in  frout  of  the  body 
being  compared  to  horns.  The  horns  of  the  Scorpion  are  alluded 
to  in  K.  2894,  1.  6  {Proceedings,  May,  1893,  p.  321). 

Sog.  17.  Ghanwand  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Claw-possessing" 
(Per.  Chang,  'claw,'  -f  wand,  'possessing'  {cf.  Sog.  6). 

Kho.  17.  Lghnuna  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Claw-possessing,"  a 
corruption  of  Sog.  17,  viz.  : 

L-ghn-un-{a) 
Gh{a)n-wan'{d) 

Lid.  16.  Vi^akha  {=  1,  7,  ft,  <>  Librae),  "the  Fork,"  i.e.,  2 
forked   branches,  a   derivative   way   of  referring    to   the    2   C/a7C's. 

*  Vide  "A  hemerology  of  the  intercalary  mouth  of  Ekil,"  ap.  Sayce,  in  A\'/. 
A  lie/.  Bal>s.,  p.  74. 

34 


Jan.  14]  PROCEEDINGS,  [1896. 

Also  called  Radha^  i.e.,  standing  with  the  feet  a  span  apart,  like 
2  forked  branches. 

Chi.  16.  7/',  anc.  Dzi,  earlier  I-shi  (=  «,  /3,  7,  '^Librae),  "the 
Foundation  "  {cf.  Ak.  hi,  '  mountain,'  '  heap  ').  A  very  important 
name  (cf.  inf.,  No.  XXII). 

Ar.  16.  Az-ziibdndn  (=  a,  /i  Librae),  "the  Two-claws,"  a  Librae 
being  Zuben-el-genii-bi  ("  the  Southern-claw  "),  and  /3  Librae  Zuben- 
el-chemali  ("  the  Northern-claw  "). 

Cop.  16.  Pritithi  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Two-claws"  (Eg.,  pet, 
'  claw,'  -)-  ti,  '  two,' — prit-i-thi). 

XXII. 

ENTENAMASLUV  =  ENTEMASMUR  ("The  Lord  of  the 
Foundation,  the  Hero  of  the  Brickwork  ").  As  a  lunar  asterism, 
it  =  20  Librae  and  stars  adjoining.  As  a  constellation,  it  =  Hydra, 
wholly  or  in  part.*  There  are  few  more  difficult  questions  in  Bab. 
astronomy  than  the  explanation  of  this  star,  asterism,  or  constellation,! 
but,  in  addition  to  my  previous  remarks,  I  would  add  the  following 
suggestions  : — 

The  name  appears  to  signify  'Lord'  {^Xk.,  Ak.  e7i.  As.  behi)  of  the 
'foundation'  (^\,  Ak.  te,  tena,  abraded  forms  of  Ak.  dimmena, 
As.  temenmi,  '  foundation-stone  '),  the  '  hero '  ('->f-  Ak.  mas)  of  the 
'bricks'  or  'brickwork'  ("^^^555,  Ak.  mur,  Ks,.  labinu) ;  and  the 
reference  is  to  the  famous  Zikkurat  or  "  terraced  tower  "  of  Babel- 
Babylon,!  the  original  Altar-tower  of  the  7th  or  Libra  month,  Tisri, 
called  in  Ak.  Tul-ku  ("  the  Holy  Altar  "),  and  which  Altar-tcnvtr 
appears  with  other  lunar  figures  on  the  Stone  of  Merodax  Baladan  I. 
This  explains  the  position  of  the  asterism  at  the  base  of  Libra,  the 
Sign  and  season  connected  with  the  Tower,  and  also  shows  the 
meaning  of  the  Chi.  name  Ishi-Ti  {sup.);  whilst  Siru-etsen-tsii i 
{IV.A.L,  II,  xlix,  47),  "the  Limb  Tip-of-the-Tail,"  the  As.  explana- 
tion of  Entefiamasluv,  marks  the  position  of  the  asterism  at  the  end 
of  the  tail  of  Hydra  ;  for,  as  Jensen  saw,  it  must  be  "  in  der  Nahe 
der  Ekliptik,"  §  and  cannot  be  the  tail  of  the  Great  Bear,  or  of  the 

*  Mr.  J.  F.  Hewitt  [The  Rtiling  Races  of  Prehistoric  Times,  p.  371)  identifies 
Entenauiashiv  with  Hydra,  but  for  other  reasons. 

t  Vide  Proceedings,  Feb.,  1890,  pp.  195-6;  May,  1893,  pp.  330-1. 

X  Vide  Simpson,  Ph^  Toiver  of  Babel  and  the  Birs  Niniroud,  in  Transactions, 
IX,  307,  et  seq. 

§  Die  Kosmologie  der  Bahylouier,  ji.  C4. 

35  c  2 


Jan.   14]  SOCIKTV  OF  lilHLICAL  ARCILliOLOGV.  [1896. 

S7van  (Hommel),  nor,  again,  is  it  the  tail  of  the  Lion  (Hommel), 
Antares  (Bertin),  or  Aldebamn  (Oppert).  Eniemasmurxs,  also  called 
in  As.  Xabatsiratiu  (IV.A./.,  II,  xlix,  47),  written  Xabafsi  in  some 
passages,  which  "  is  probably  the  same  word  as  khabatsillii,  '  the 
lily,'  which  grows  up  like  a  tail"  (Sayce,  in  Transactions,  III,  170). 
Etsen-tsiri  is  equated  with  the  Ak.  Gis-kun  ("  Heaven-tail '').  The 
insignificance  of  20  Librae  and  the  adjoining  stars,  coupled  with  the 
early  disappearance  of  the  Altar-to7ver  as  a  Sign  (vide  Proceedings, 
"March,  1891,  p.  262),  accounts  for  the  fact  that  the  Asterism  is  not 
reproduced  in  any  of  the  Derivatives. 

But  Entemasniiir,  as  the  references  to  it  clearly  show,  is  more 
than  an  obscure  lunar  mansion.  In  the  month  Tammuz,  with 
which  it  is  specially  connected,  at  its  rising  it  raises  "  the  waves  of 
the  sea"  (JV.A.L,  III,  Ivii,  No.  i,  1.  12),  and  '  holds ' /u/>  Her  (Lbid., 
Ill,  Hi,  No.  I,  11.  17-18),  with  which  it  is  connected  (Lbid.,  II,  Ivii, 
48),  being  near  the  ecliptic.  As  20  Librae,  it  is  fixed  '  behind  '  Si/gi 
{Lbid.,  Ill,  liii.  No.  i.  Rev.  1.  23),  ^^ind  "fixed  at  its  extremity" 
(Lbid.,  Ob.,  1.  10,  ina  garni-sn),  an  expression  which  shows  a  double 
use  of  the  term,  as  a  thing  cannot  be  fixed  at  its  own  extremity ; 
and,  hence,  we  are  informed  that  "the  asterism  behind  which  it 
[either  Sugi  or  Erafii]  is  fixed  (is)  the  asterism  Etiienamasliiv :  the 
asterism  Entenamasluv  {  =  )  Kakkab  Aliab,''  otherwise  Alhtl ;  and 
Allab,  according  to  the  Te  Tablet  (No.  85-4-30,  15),  is  the  star  of 
the  4th,  or  Tammuz,  month,  which  I  have  found  reason  to  identify 
with  Alphard  {a  LLydrae).*  In  W.A.L.,  III,  Ivii,  No.  2,  the  Kakkab 
Allab  (1.  7)  =  Alphard,  and  the  Kakkab  Entenamasluv  (1.  9)  =  20 
Librae,  etc.  Entenamasluv  is  thus  at  one  end  of  LLydra,  and 
Alphard  nearly  at  the  other ;  and  Entenamasluv  is,  or  is  an  equiva- 
lent of,  Allab,  in  the  sense  that  they  both  form  part  of  the  Great 
(Sea)  Serpent,  which  appears  on  the  monuments,  but  is  far  too  long 
to  form  a  single  lunar  asterism. 

XXIII. 

GISGANGUSUR  ("The  Tree  of  the  Garden  of  Light"),  other- 
wise rendered  "the  Light  of  the  Hero"  (Ak.  gusur,  cf.  ^\xxY\q.  ghazi, 
'  hero '),  ■=  [i,c,  IT  Scorpionis.  This  asterism,  like  No.  XI,  is  described 
as  "the  weapon  of  the  hand  of  Merodax";  and,  hence,  is  curved, 
like  the  Scimetar  and  No.  XII,  and  this  idea  of  circularity  reappears 

*   Vide  R.  15.  Jr.,  in  the  Academy,  Nov.  4,  1893,  p.  396. 
36 


Jan.   14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

in  the  names  of  the  Ar.  and  Cop.  Derivatives.  In  IV.A.I.,  II,  Ivii 
47  the  kakkab  Gangiisur  and  5  other  stars  are  in  some  way  con- 
nected with  Lubat-giittav  i,  Jupiter). 

—  Per.  17.  Nur  (=/3,  h,  -n-  Sccrpionis),  "the  Bright"  {cf.  Per. 
nur,  "rays  of  Hght,"  naur^  'shining').  It  is  noticeable  that  the  Ak. 
gan  =  As.  ;////'//,  '  hght,'  a  name  which  might  have  been  handed  on 
to  Persia. 

Sog.  and  Kho.  18.  Bighamvand  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Clawless  " 
(Per.  M,  '  without'  +  G/hi^m'afid,  Sog.  17),  i.e.,  the  Scorpion  without 
its  Claws,  which  belong  to  the  previous  Sign. 

Ind.  17.  Amirddha  (=  Same  stars).  Said  to  mean  "  Causing- 
welfare"  (M.  Williams),  "the  Blissful"  (Max  Muller),  or  "the 
Completed "  (Kingsmill)  ;  but  probably  merely  meaning  "  After- 
Rddhd''  (vide  Ind.,  16),  and  thus  showing  that  the  original  name 
of  the  asterism  had  been  lost. 

Chi.  17.  -Fcjng,  anc.  I^ong  (=/i,  r,  v,  />  Sco)pioiiis),  "the  Room," 
i.e.,  enclosure  {cf.  Ak.  gan,  'garden  ').  The  sign  ^,  Ak.  gis,  'tree,' 
has  also  the  variant  phonetic  values  sii,  mu ;  and  in  Chinese  we  find 
the  following  words  for  'tree,'  "Chi.  Nankin  ^-/z//,  muh ;  Chi.  Pekin 
shii,  mu ;  Chi.  Canton  shit,  niuk ;  Chi.  Shanghai,  zii ;  Amoy 
colloquial  Ch'in."* 

As.  17.  Al-Iklil  {ft,  c,  TT  Scorpionis),  "the  Crown." 

Cop.  17.  Stephani  {■=^  Same  stars),  "the  Crown"  (Gk.  a-lcfiavo^). 

XXIV. 

DAR-LUGAL  ("The  Great-one,  the  King")  =  a  Scorpionis 
{Anfares).  The  patron-divinty  of  the  asterism  is  Lugal-tudda  ("  the 
Lusty-king  "),  who  is  "  the  Zu-bird,"  "  the  divine  Storm-bird  "  ;  and, 
similarly,  Evecwpa^xo^  {■=■  Udda-an--x}i,  "the  Day-heaven-bird," 
originally  the  Sun),  the  7th  antediluvian  king,  is  equated  with 
Antares. 

=  Per.  18.  Gel  (=  «  Scorpionis),  "  the  Red  "  (Per.  gil,  "  red  earth 
like  vermilion  ";  gul,  '  red ').  Antares  is  one  of  those  stars  called  by 
Ptolemy  'vttSkiijijo'}  ("reddish-yellow"),  and  is  particularly  connected 
with  "the  red  planet"  Mars.  It  is  probably  the  kakkab  ■^^■, 
Bir  ('  Vermilion '). 

Sog.  19.  Alaghan  Sadwis  (=Same  stars),  "the  Great-one,  saffron 
coloured"  {Maghan  =■  Magha,  Sog.  10,  with  "the  on-hanging  N  "; 

*   Hunter,  T/ie  Non-Aryan  Languages  of  ludia  and  High  Asia,  p.  162. 

37 


Jan.    14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.-EOLOGV.  [1S96. 

-\- Xv.  Jairi,  Per.  zard,  Sk.  harit,  'yellow,'  'saffron-coloured,'  Per. 
znrdi,  '  yellowness '). 

Kho.  19.  Dharind  {=  Same  star),  "the  Seizer  "  (Av.  dar^  d/iar, 
''  to  hold,"  Per.  harrar,  a  name  of  the  Cor  Scorpionis.)  Probably 
originally  derived  from  the  Ak.  i:;irfal)  ('scorpion'),  '  seizer-and- 
stinger ;'  and  hence  specially  applied  to  the  chief  star  of  the  (solar) 
Scorpion. 

Ind.  18.  Ro/iini,  "the  Red"  {cf.  Ind.  4),  also  caWed  /yes ht/ia 
(=  /7,  ff,  T  Scorpio7iis\  "the  Oldest."  This  name  is  said  to  indicate 
"its  position  as  the  original  head  of  the  series,"  an  opinion  which  I 
do  not  accept ;  for  "  the  Krittikas  occupy  the  first  place  in  all 
the  ancient  lists  of  the  [Hindu]  Nakshatras  "  (Max  Miiller,  Rig-Veda- 
Sainhita,  iv,  31).  The  reference  is  probably  originally  mythological, 
and  the  title  has  been  borrowed  without  being  understood.  The 
Scorpion,  as  a  type  of  Darkness  (vide  Proceedings^  February,  1890, 
p.  198)  is  "the  Oldest." 

(Jhi.  18.  Ho,  "Fire,"  Ho-sing,  "the  Fire-star."  Also  called  Sin, 
anc.  Sam  (=Same  stars),  "  the  Heart."  Not,  as  might  be  expected, 
tlie  Cor  Scorpionis.  "  The  name  is  probably  of  comparatively 
modern  introduction  and  refers  to  the  Ts'ing  Lung  (the  Blue 
Dragon)  of  the  quadripartite  division  of  the  zodiac,  of  which  it 
forms  a  fair  centre  "  (Kingsmill). 

Ar.  18.  Al-Kali>  {  =  a  Scorpionis),  "  the  Heart,"  =  Cor  Scorpionis, 
Kalb  Al-akrab  (Ulugh  Beigh). 

Cop.  18.  Kharthian  (=  Same  star),  "the  Heart"  (Gk.  Kapcla, 
with  "  the  on-hanging  N  "). 

XXV. 

MULU-BAT("The  Man  of  death ")  =  f,  if  Ophiuchi.  "The 
7  Wicked  Spirits"  are  called  in  the  Ak.  version  of  their  legend  "Men- 
of-death,"  which  is  rendered  in  the  As.  tninslation  "  Serpents-of- 
dcath."*  The  name  might  mean  "  the  Old-man."  Ophiiichus  is 
elsewhere  referred  to  as  N'u-isir-da  (K.  2894,  Ob.,  1.  20),  As.  Rubu- 
/j/WCPrince-of-the-Serpent  "):  and  in  W.A.I.,  V,  xlvi.  No.  i,  1.  44, 
the  Kakkab  Nutsirda  is  connected  with  the  god  ^  >ff-<^  »^ 
Sa-gi-mu,  apparently  the  god  of  invocation,  whose  name  is 
idcographically  expressed  by  >-^Tfc!r  |,  i.e.,  '  mouth  '  -f  '  invoke.' 

*  Vide  .Siiyce,  in  Smith's  Chaldean  Aaoiiiit  of  Gciu'sis,  p.  102. 
38 


Jan.   14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

=  Per.  19.  Garafsa  (=  cf,  '/>  ^1  ^^  Ophinchi),  "the  Serpent- 
tamer  "  (Av.  gara,  '  poison,'  +  Per.  afsa^  '  wizard  ').  So  the  Per. 
Afar-afsa  is  "  a  serpent-tamer." 

Sog.  20.  Bastham  (=  t^,  7  OplnucJii],  "the  Bound"  (Per.  /^rt'^A?, 
'  bound,'  '  tied  '),  /.c,  Ophiiichiis  enveloped  in  the  coils  of  Ophis. 

Kho.  20.  Sardhnva  (=Same  stars),  "the  Head  of  the  Evil-one" 
(.\v.  (^am-daevahe,  Per.  dev,  div,  Sk.  dei'a). 

XXVI. 

TSIR  ("The  Snake"  =  Ophis),  =  /;,  ^,  0  Ophhichi. 

=  Sog.  21.   Wajrik  {=  ^,  0  Ophiuchi),  "the  Magician"  (Av.  Yatu, 

*  Evil-genius,' Per. /(/^Z//',  '  conjurer,'  /a^//S(7//,  'magician,'  /implies 
relation,  e.g.,  Hiiid-i,  '  Indian,'  ]Va-j-{ii)  r-i,  +  an  arbitrary  final 
letter  (here  k),  so  frequently  added  to  these  corrupted  names,  =■ 
'  Magician.' 

Kho.  21.  Markhashik  {^S)3.me  stars),  "the  Serpent-bitten"  (Per. 
inar-gazid-a,  '  snake-bitten ').  The  Sog.  and  Kho.  schemes  do 
not  clearly  distinguish  between  Ophiuchus  and  Ophis,  which  are, 
similarly,  one  constellation  in  the  Hipparcho-Ptolemy  Star-list. 

Coi).  19.   Tshio  (=  //,  f,   6   Ophiiichi),    "the   Snake"  (Eg.  shi, 

*  snake ')  ;  also  called  Aggia,  "  the  Magician "  (Eg.  ak,  "  kind  of 
superior,"  'Magus.'     Piirch,  in  Bunsen's  Egypfs  Place,  v,  342). 

It  thus  appears  that  Nos.  XXV  and  XXVI  of  the  Euphratean 
lunar  zodiac,  being  asterisms  which  do  not  appear  in  the  solar 
zodiac,  have  been  faithfully  preserved  in  three,  if  not  in  four,  of  the 
Derivatives ;  and  it  is  especially  curious  to  find  them  in  the  com- 
paratively late  Cop.  list.  It  is  further  quite  clear  that  the  Per.,  Sog., 
and  Kho.  schemes  in  the  East,  and  the  Cop.  in  the  West,  had  a 
common  original ;  for,  if  the  Cop.  scheme  had  been  copied  from  the 
Per.,  it  would  only  have  had  a  name  for  Ophiuchus,  and  not  also  for 
Ophis  ;  and  if  it  had  been  copied  from  the  Sog.  or  Kho.  schemes, 
it  would  have  had  two  asterisms,  instead  of  only  one.  The 
Iviphratean  scheme  was  not  limited  to  28  asterisms,  as  are  the 
Derivatives;  and  the  Ind.,  Ar.,  and  Chi.  schemes  have  perhaps 
dropped  Nos.  XXV  and  XXVI,  in  order  to  reduce  the  number  of 
asterisms,  just  as  all  the  Derivatives  ignore  Nos.  VIII,  XXII,  and 
XXVIII.  Prof.  Hommel  suggests  that  the  "  Death-star "  {i.e., 
MULU-BAT)  may  be  k  Virgijiis  ;  the  Snake  /<  or  a  Serpentis  ;  the 
Scorpion  (GIRTAB)  c  and  ft  Scorpionis  :  and  URBAT,  which  he  calls 

39 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1S96. 

\.\\e  Jackal,  Antarcs  {Die  Astro/i.,  iii,  16).  But,  it  is  only  when  the 
Euphratean  list  is  studied  in  connexion  with  the  Derivatives,  that  it 
can  be  properly  understood.  Thus,  Tablet  S.  162  (of  which  I  have 
given  a  copy  in  the  Proceedings,  May,  1893,  p.  332)  shows  that 
URBAT  was  no  part  of  the  (solar)  zodiacal  Scorpion. 

XXVII. 

GIRTAB  ("  The  Scorpion  ■'),  =  0,  1,  k;  A,  v  Scorpionis.  The 
Scorpion,  like  the  Sea-goaf,  is  a  figure  which  appears  both  in  the 
solar  and  the  lunar  zodiac ;  the  solar  Scorpion,  at  times  called 
>"»v  ""Hf-  *~^y  Gir-an-na  ("  Scorpion-of-heaven  "'),  being  the  con- 
stellation as  we  know  it,  and  the  lunar  Scorpion  the  above  asterism. 
Few  of  the  mansions  more  clearly  indicate  the  pristine  unity  of  the 
various  schemes. 

=  Per.  20.  Vanant  (  =  0,  /,  /.-,  X,  v  Scorpionis),  "the  Stinger" 
(Av.  van,  "  to  strike,"  -atit  pres.  part,  ending.  "  Vanant  means 
'  who  smites '  "  (Darmesteter,  in  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  xxiii, 
97,  n.  6).  "The  Vatiant  Yasht  is  a  prayer  addressed  to  the  star 
Vanant,  by  which  the  Dasturs  understand  the  Milky  Way  "  (Haug, 
Essays,  p.  217).  The  basis  of  this  error,  which  illustrates  the 
location  of  the  asterism,  is  that  the  Via  Lactea  runs  through  Scorpio 
and  Girtah.  Vanant  is  one  of  the  four  chief  asterisms  in  the 
Persian  stellar  scheme.  '' Tistar  [^Sirius']  is  the  chieftain  of  the 
East,  Cataves  [Catavaeca,  Per.  25]  the  chieftain  of  the  South  [vide 
Bundahis,  xiii,  2],  Vanand  the  chieftain  of  the  West,  Haptokriug 
[the  JVain]  the  chieftain  of  the  North"  {/oid.,  ii,  7),  an  illustration 
of  the  great  importance  of  the  Scorpion,  which  is  so  frequently 
referred  to  in  the  Tablets. 

Sog.  22.  Vanand  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Stinger,"  =  Per.  20. 
"When  a  sheep  is  slaughtered  ...  the  testes  are  for  the  star  Vanand  " 
(Skdjast  La-Shayast,  xi,  4,  ap.  E.  W.  West).  Cf.  the  position  of 
the  Scorpion  and  the  Bull  on  Mithraic  monuments.* 

Kho.  22.  Khachman  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Curved"  (Per.  kazh^ 
'  curved,'  Kazh-dum,  '  Crook-tail,'  a  name  of  the  Sign  Scorpio). 

Ind.  19.  Vikritau  (  =  f,  //,  JT,  v/,  0,  1,  v,  X,  u  Scorpionis),  "the 
Destroyer"  ;  also  called  Mu/a,  "the  Root."  If  this  be  the  original 
meaning  of  the  name,  the  reference  is  probably  to  the  asterism  as 
the  '  tail'  or  'basis'  of  Scorpio;   but  it  is  quite  possible  that  here, 

*  \ide  R.  B.  Jr.,  in  tlie  Acaitciiiy,  XIarch,  23.  1S95,  Pi  259. 
40 


Jan.    14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

as  in  Chi.  3,  we  have  the   Euphratean  Mul,  i.e.^  "the  (important) 

Asterism." 

Chi.  19.    Wei,  anc.  Mi,    Vi  (  =  6,  ^i-  Scorpio ftis),  "the  Tail";  of 

the  "  Blue  Dragon"  in  the  later  astronomy  {cf.  Chi.  18)  but  probably 

originally  referring  to  Girtab. 

Ar.  19.  Ash-Shaulah  {■=  \,  v  Scorpionis),  "the  Sting." 

Cop.  20.  Mi7iamref  {^  Same  stars),  "the  Sting"  (Cop.  maiiiref, 

reduplicated  form  of  meref,^=-  Lat.  spiculum,  '  sting  '). 

XXVIII. 

URBAT  ("the  Beast-of-death"),  =  n,  /3,  7,  c  Liipi.  This  creature, 
the  Qi](Hov  of  Ptolemy,  appears  on  the  monuments  with  his  brother 
UROARRA  (No.  II),  but  is  properly  excluded  from  the  schemes  of 
the  Derivatives.* 

XXIX. 

ANUNITUM  ("The  Great  Goddess,"  i.e.,  Istar),=:\,/t  Sagittarii. 
And  SINUNUTUM  ("the  Swallow"),  As.  Sinimtuv,  Rabbinical 
Senunitha,  Ak.  nam-xu  ("The  Destiny-bird "),  =  7,  f ,  e  Sagittarii. 
The  two  asterisms  are  side  by  side,  like  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  to 
which  they  are  respectively  dedicated.  Istar,  the  Bow-goddess,  and 
the  Euphrates,  "the  Curving-river,"  are  naturally  connected  with  the 
constellation  of  the  Bow.  A  Bird,  which  may  be  the  Swallow, 
appears  with  other  lunar  zodiacal  figures  on  the  monuments.  The 
annual  migrations  of  the  Swallow  connect  it  alike  with  destiny  (as 
a  prophetic  bird),  and  with  the  autumn  {Sagittarijis)  season. 

=  Per.  21.  Gail  {=■  Sagittarius,  particularly  the  ^(?7t'-stars), 
"  the  Bull  "  (Av.  gao,  '  ox,' '  cow,'  '  bull '),  =:  Arcitaurus  {^Sagittarius). 
So  the  Centaur,  a  variant  of  Sagittarius,  is  called  on  the  monuments 
Gud-elim  ("the  Horned-bull."     Vide  Proceedings, ]?ir\.,  1895,  p.  16). 

Sog.  and  Kho.  23.   Yaugh  (=  Same  stars),  "  the  Bull,"=  Per.  21. 

Ind.  20.  Purva-Ashadha  (=  c,  e  Sagittarii).  Said  to  mean 
"the  Former  Unconquered-onej"  ;  also  called  Apja  ("the  Stout," 
'Strong').  An  unoriginal  name  probably  astrological.  The  Ind. 
20  and  21  are  represented  by  two  elephants'  tusks,  which  give  the 
ideas  of  '  horn,'  and  '  curved.' 

Chi.  A7,  anc.  J^it  {=  c,  e,  7  Sagittarii),  "the  Sieve" — -from  the 
shape.  "  The  commentators  tell  us  that  his  name  was  Lii  yi'L" 
(Kingsmill.      Cf.  Sog.  23.) 

"  Vide  Proceedings,  May,  1S93,  p.  332,  fig.  I. 
41 


Jan.    14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGV.  [1896. 

Ar.  20.  An- AW  aim  (  =  7,  r,  ,/,  c,  0,  a,  t,  ^  Sagitfarii),  "  the 
Ostriches."  Whether  the  group  be  an  arbitrary  invention  or  not, 
tlie  idea  of  a  bird  and  the  Ak.  swallow- name  A^ani  are  preserved 
in  it. 

Cop.  21.  Foil's  {=  Sagittarius,  particularly  the  Bmi'-sizas),  "the 
Foal"  (Gk.  TTa'Xov),  the  Hippocentaur. 

XXX. 

GUSIRABBA  ("The  Yoke  of  the  Sea"),  =  cT,  '^,  ^  Sagittarii. 
Cf.  No.  X.  These  stars  form  a  '  yoke  '  thrown  across  the  ecliptic 
near  the  commencement  of  the  great  Sea  which  extends  thence  to 
Aries,  and  includes  Capricornvs,  Fiscis,  Aquarius,  Fisces,  and  Cetus. 
On  the  Tablet  (Rev.  1.  i)  GUSIRABBA  is  identified  with  the 
kakkab  NUN-KI,  "  i)ronounced  Nunpe,  according  to  82.  8-16, 
I  Obv.,  21,"  and  meaning  "the  Lordly-city,"  i.e.,  Eridu,  an  archaic 
centre  of  the  Ea-cult,  and  once  "at  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates  and 
on  the  edge  of  the  Persian  Clulf,"*  and  thus  a  "Yoke  of  the  Sea." 
Hence  the  role  of  GUSIRABBA  as  the  patron  asterism  of  the 
seaport  town  of  Eridu.  The  ecliptic  thus  appears  as  a  'Yoke'  at 
Cancer  and  Capricorn. 

=  Ind.  21.  Uttara-Ashadha  (=  ^7,  ^  Sagittarii),  "the  Latter 
Unconquered-one." 

Chi.  21.  Tlw,  anc.  Den  (=  «t.  t,  'C,  0,  A.,  /<  Sagittarii),  "the 
Ladle."     A  popular  name  from  the  shape. 

Ar.  21.  Al-Baldah  (=  space  north  of  tt  Sagittarii),  "the  Hairless 
space  between  the  eyebrows."  A  comparatively  starless  region,  part 
of  the  Ku7naru  Udgudua  ("the  Dusky"  part  of  Sagittarius.  Vide 
Froceedings,  Jan.,  1895,  p.  25). 

XXXI. 

MUNAx'A  ("The  Cioat-fish")  =  Capricorn,  including  c,  /<,  v 
Aquarii.  In  previous  articles  (Vide  Froceedings,  March,  1891, 
pp.  267-8;  April,  1892,  p.  220)  et  seq.)  I  have  fully  treated  of  this 
.Sign,  which  has  remained  unaltered  in  both  lunar  and  solar  zodiacs. 
=  Per.  22.  Goi  {^^^  Capricorn).  Perhaps  "the  Dawn"  (^Cf.  Per. 
gall,  '  time,'  "  the  dawn,"  "  the  Sign  Capricorn  ").  This  illustrates 
my  observation  "  Nebo,  in  origin,  is  'the  Sun  of  the  Dawn  '  .  .  .  and 
tiius,  as  an    ultimate   anal)'sis,  Nebo  and   Capricorn  are  identical ' 

'    h'ayce,  !<,■!.  .In,/.  A'u/'s.,  p.   135. 
42 


Jan.   14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

{Proceedings,  }7in.,  1890,  p.  151).  Perhaps  Goi  {'=,  simply  the  Ak.  x*?, 
"the  (Goat)  Fish."  Mr.  Kingsmill  identifies  Goi  with  the  "Zend 
Gaoya  (the  Ox  leader)."     Vide  Chi.  22. 

Chi  22.  Niii,  Ngeii,  anc.  Ngii,  Gu  (=  «,  /J,  v  Capricorni),  "the 
Ox."  This  naturally  reminds  us  of  the  Per.  21,  and  it  is  possible 
that  the  same  original  name  may  have  been  applied  in  China  to  a 
different  asterism.  But  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  eighth 
antediluvian  king,  who  is  equated  with  Algedi  {a  Capricorni)^  is 
'Aue'yuYr/j/o?  {=Aniar-Sin)^  "the  Ox  of  the  Moon";  and  the  word 
amar  may  very  likely  include  small  cattle,  such  as  the  goat. 

Ar.  22.  Sa'd  ad/i  Dhabih  (=  «,  ft  Capricorni),  "  Luck  the 
sacrificer,"  or  "  the  Lucky  asterism  of  the  Slaughterer,"  Ak.  Saksadi 
("  Bright-horn-of-slaughter  "),  =  ft  Capricorni  (Vide  Proceedings, 
Jan.,31895,  p.  35). 

Cop.  22.  Eupeiitos  (=:Same  stars),  "the  Fortunate"  (Gk. 
^vire-rip,  "  falling-well  " — of  dice). 

Chi.  23.  Niu,  anc.  Nok,  also  called  Mii,  anc.  Mo  (=  c,  /(,  v. 
Aqiiarii).  Said  to  mean  "  the  Woman,"  which  is  evidently  not  the 
original  signification.      Cf.  Ak.  nuk,  "  to  sacrifice,"  and  Ar.  22. 

Ar.  23.  Sa'd  Biila  (=  Same  stars),  "Greedy  Sa'd,"  "because 
the  larger  star  seems  to  swallow  the  smaller  "  (Robertson  Smith). 

Cop.  23.  Upeuritos  (=  Same  stars),  "the  Discoverer"  (Gk. 
t0ct;/3eT?/9,  "  one  who  discovers  beside  another  ") — of  the  smaller  star 
(./Ar.23). 

This  completes  the  stellar  circle,  and  it  only  remains  to  notice 
several  instances  in  which  the  Derivatives,  attracted  by  brighter 
stars,  have  incorrectly  left  the  legitimate  ground  of  the  lunar 
zodiac  :— 

n,  e,  ^  Lyrae  =  lnd.  22.  Abhijit  ("The  Victorious").  "An 
outsider  "  (Whitney). 

n,  ft,  7  Aqui/ae  =  Per.  23.  AJuri/  ("The  Bird"),  A  v.  nieregha, 
'  bird.' 

Sog.  24.  Shad  Mashir  ("  The  Noble  Falcon  ").  Cf.  Per.  shah- 
baz,  "  noblest  falcon." 

Kho.  24.   Sadniasij  ("The  Noble  Falcon  "),=  Sog.  24. 

Ind.  23.  Cravana  ("The  Seizer  ").  The  idea  of  a  Bird  {cf.  No. 
XXIX)  is  preserved  in  these  names. 

«)  A  7)  '^  Delphini  =  Ind.  24.  Cravishtha  ("  The  Most- 
glorious  ").  A  name  probably  originally  connected  with  some  part 
of  No.  I. 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCLLEOLOGV.  [iSf;6. 

Note  on  Asterism  No.  XV. 

LAMAS.  In  the  text  I  have  followed  the  customary  rendering 
of  this  word,  />.,  '  colossus,' which  i.s,  of  course,  merely  a  paraphrase, 
the  /aiiiassi  being  the  colossal  statues  at  the  entrance  of  temj^le.-., 
personifications  of  the  propitious  guardian  Genii  of  the  place  {vide 
Ffoceedifigs,  Feb.,  1890,  p.  193).  But  LAMAS,  as  noticed  {sup. 
p.  29),  is  translated  by  the  scribe  "the  Eurning-of-fire " ;  and  we 
are  able  to  prove  the  correctness  of  this  rendering  by  comparison 
with  the  corresponding  words  in  certain  dialects  connected,  though 
remotely,  with  the  Sum.-Ak.  LAM,  LAMM  A,  LAMAS  =  the 
Magyar  -La fig,  \':\X.  flanuna  ignis.  =  Bab.  Mikid  isati  {'^T\\e  Burning- 
of-fire "),  Finnic  Loiinic  ('Strong-flame'),  loiiniia  ("to  flame"). 
The  Turko-Tatar  dialects  do  not  employ  an  initial  /,  but  re[)lace  it 
byy  (f.^.,  Magyar  Iclek,  'soul,'  =  Os.  jel,  'wind,'  Ostiak  Ijil.,  'ghost,' 
=  Sum.-Ak.  LIL,  'ghost,'  whence  As.  lilatu,  Heb.  Liieih);  hence 
a  Sum.-Ak.  LAM,  LAV.  becomes  in  Turko-Tatar  jav,  Jar,  j'al, 
"  to  gleam,"  '  burn,'  '  flame,'  etc.,  e.g.,  Tchagatai  jalau,  '  flame. 
The  Lamassi,  therefore,  are  "  the  Burning-ones,"  and  the  name  is 
equivalent  to  the  Heb.  Seraphim,  who  have  been  incorrectly  ex- 
plained by  certain  modern  writers  as  Dragons  {vide  Goldziher, 
Mythology  among  the  Hebs.,  Eng.  edit.,  p.  197). 


The  next  Meeting  o{  the  Society  will  be  held  at  })"/, 
Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C.,  on  Tuesday,  4th 
February,  1896,  at  8  p.m.,  when  the  following  Papers  will  be 
read : — 

P.  le  P.  Renouf,  President.     The  Symbols  on  Funeral  Stelae. 

Rev.  Dr.  M.  Friedlander.     Some  Fragments  of  the  Hebrew  Bible, 
with  peculiar  abbreviations,  and  a  peculiar  system  of  vowel  signs. 


44 


M] 


PROCEEDINGS. 


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Jan.   14]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

THE  FOLLOWING   BOOKS   ARE   REQUIRED  FOR  THE 
LIBRARY   OF  THE   SOCIETY. 


Members  having  duplicate  copies,  will  confer  a  favour  by  presenting  thon  to  the 

Society. 

Alker,  E. ,  Die  Chronologic  der  Biicher  der  Konige  und  Paralipomenon  im 
Einklang  mit  der  Chronologic  der  Aegypter,  Assyrcr,  Babylonier  und  Me<]er. 

Amelineau,  Histoire  du  Patriarche  Copte  Isaac. 

Contes  de  I'Egypte  Chretiehne. 

La  Morale  Egyptienne  quinze  siecles  avant  notre  ere. 

Amiaud,  La  Legende  Syriaque  de  Saint  Alexis,  Thomnie  de  Dieu. 

-A.,  AN'U  L.  Mechineau,  Tableau  Compare  des  Ecritures  Bahyloniennes 

et  Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen  aus  der  Sammlung  der  Papyrus  Erzherzog  Rainer.    2  parts 

Baethgen,  Beitrage  zur  Semitischen  Religiongeshichte.  Der  Gott  Israels  und 
die  Gotter  der  Heiden. 

Blass,  a.  F.,  Eudoxi  ars  Astronomica  qualis  in  Charta  Aegyptiaca  superest. 

BOTTA,  Monuments  de  Ninive.      5  vols.,  folio.      1847-1850. 

Brugsch-Bey,  Geographische  Inschriften  Altaegyptische  Denkmaeler.  Vols. 
I— III  (Brugsch). 

Recueil  de  Monuments  Kg)-ptiens,  copies  sur  lieux  et  publics  par 

H.  Brugsch  et  J.  Dlimichen.  (4  vols.,  and  the  text  by  Dlimichen 
of  vols.  3  and  4.) 

Budinger,  M.,  De  Colonarium  quarundam  Phoeniciarum  primordiis  cum 
Hebraeorum  exodo  conjunctis. 

BuRCKHARDT,  Eastern  Travels. 

Cassei  ,  Paulus,  Zophnet  Paneach  Aegyptische  Deutrngen. 

Chauas,  Melanges  Egj-ptologiques.     Series  I,  III.     1862-1873. 

DUMICHEN,  Historische  Inschriften,  &c.,  istseries,  1867. 

2nd  series,  1869. 

Altaegyptische  Kalendcr-Inschriften,  1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften,  1862.     2  vols.,  folio. 


EliERS.    G.,    Papyrus    Ebers.      Die    Masse    und    das    Kapitel    iiber    die    Augcn- 

krankheiten. 
Erman,  Papyrus  Westcar. 

Etudes  Egyptologiques.      13  vols.,  complete  to  1880. 
Gayet,  E  ,  Steles  de  la  XII  dynastic  au  Musee  du  Louvre. 
GOLENISCHEFF,  Die  Mcttcrnichstelc.     Folio,  1877. 

Vingt-quatre  Tablettcs  Cappadociennes  de  la  Collection  de. 

Haupt,  Die  Sumcrischen  Familicngesetze. 

Hess,  Der  Gnostische  Papyrus  von  London. 

HOMMEL,  Dr.,  Geschichte  Babylonicns  und  Assyriens.      1892. 

Jastrow,  M.,  a  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  "  Dibbarra  "  Epi>-. 

Jenskn,  Die  Kosmologie  der  Babylonier. 


Jan.   14]  SOCIETY  OF  IJIHLICAL  ARCILEOLOCV.  [1896. 

Jeremias,  Tyrus  bis  zur  Zcit  Nuljukadnezar's,  Geschichtliche  Skizze  niit  beson- 

derer  Beriicksichtigung  der  Keilschriftlichen  Quellen. 
Joachim,  H.,  Papyros  Ebers,  das  Alteste  Buch  iiber  Heilkunde. 
Johns  Hopkins  University.     Contributions  to  Assyriology  and  Comparative 

Semitic  Philolog}-. 
Krebs,  p.,  De  Chnemothis  nomarclii  inscriptione  Aegyptiaca  commentatio. 
Lederer,    Die   Biblischc   Zeitrechnung   vom   Auszuge   aus   Aegypten   bis   zum 

Beginne   der   Babylonische   Cefangenschaft   mit    Berichsichtigung   der    Re- 

sultate  der  Assyriologie  und  der  Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain,  Les  Monuments  Eg)-ptiens  de  la  Bil)Hotheque  Nationale. 
Lefebure,  Le  Mj'the  Osirien.     2""-' partie.     "Osiris." 

Legrain,  G. ,  Le  Livre  des  Transformations.     Papyrus  demotique  du  Louvre. 
Lehmann,     Samassumukin     KTmig    von     Babylonien    668    vehr,    p.    xiv,     173. 

47  plates. 
Lepsiu'S,  Nubian  Grammar,  dtc. ,  1S80. 
Lyon,  D.  G.,  An  Assyrian  Manual. 
Maruchi,  Monumenta  Papyracea  Aegyptia. 
MuLLER,  D.  H.,  Epigraphische  Denkmaler  aus  Arabien. 
NoORDTZiG,    Israel's   verblijf  in    Egypte   bezien  int  licht  der  Egyptische   out- 

dekkingen. 
Place,  Ninive  et  I'Assyrie,  1S66-1869.     3  vols.,  folio. 
POGNON,  Les  Inscriptions  Babyloniennes  du  Wadi  Brissa. 
Rawlinson,  Canon,  6th  Ancient  Monarchy. 
ROBiou,  Croyances  de  I'Egypte  a  I'epoque  des  Pyramides. 

Recherches  sur  le  Calendrier  en  I^gypte  et  sur  la  chronologic  des  Lagides 

Sainte  Marie,  Mission  a  Carthage. 

Sarzec,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee. 

SCHAEFFER,  Couimentationes  de  papyro  medicinali  Lipsiensi. 

Schouw,  Charta  papyracea  graece  scripta  Musei  Borgiani  Velitris. 

SCHROEDER,  Die  Phonizische  Sprache. 

Strauss  and  Torney,  Der  Altagyptishe  Gotterglaube. 

ViREY,    P.,    Quelques    Observations    sur    I'Episode   d'Aristec,    a    propos   d'un 

Monument  Egyptien. 
Vhser,  I.,  Hebreeuwsche  Archaelogie.     Utrecht,  1891. 
Walther,  J.,   Les  Decouvertes  de  Ninive  et  de  Babylone  au    point   de   vue 

biblique.     Lausanne,  1890. 
Wii.CKEN,  M.,  Actenstucke  aus  der  Kcinigl.  Bank  zu  Theben. 
WiLTZKE,  Der  Biblische  Simson  der  Agyptische  Horus-Ra. 
WiNCKLER,  Hugo,  Der  Thontafelfund  von  El  Amarna.     Vols.  I  and  II. 

Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches  zum  Alten  Testament. 

Weissleach,  F.  II.,  Die  Achaemeniden  Inschriften  Zweiter  Art. 

Wesseley,  C,  Die  Pariser  Papyri  des  Fundes  von  El  F'ajum. 

Zeitsch.   der  Deutschen  Morgenl.   Gesellsch.,   Vol.   I,   1847;  Vols.  IV  to  XII, 

1850  to  1858,  inclusive;  Vol.  XX  to  Vol  XXXII,  1866  to  187S. 
ZiMMERN,  II.,  Die  Assyriologie  als  Iliilfswissenschaft  fiir  das  Studium  des  Alten 

Testaments. 


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tIAKKISON   AND   SONS,    I'RINTEKS    IN    OHUINARY  TO   HEK    MAJESTY,    ST.    MAKTIN's    LANE. 


VOL.  XVIII.  Part  2. 


PROCEEDINGS 


THE    SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY. 


VOL.  XVIIL     TWENTY-SIXTH  SESSION. 

Second  Meetings  February  d^th,  1896. 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
P.    Le    Page   Renouf  {^President). — The   Book  of  the   Dead, 

Notes  to  Chapter  CX.XN ,  continued    47-53 

F.     L.    Griffith. — Chaereu    to    Hermopolis    on    a    Bilingual 

Milestone 54,  55 

W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  D.C.L.,  &c. — The  An-angement  of  the 

XXIst  Dynasty  {Flate)  „ 56-64 

The  Hon.  Miss  Plunket. — ■jj^'^  {Gu),  the  Eleventh  Constel- 
lation of  the  Zodiac 65-70 

Rev.  a.  J.  Delattre,  S.J. — A-mur-ri  ou  A-hiur-ri? 7i-75 

Alfred  Boissier. — Lettre  de  Laba  au  roi  d'Egy pte    76-78 

^?^ 

published  at 
THE     OFFICES    OF    THE     SOCIETY, 

37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 

189  6. 


[No.  cxxxv.] 


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PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE     SOCIETY 


OF 


BIBLICAL     ARCHEOLOGY. 


TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION,    1896. 


Second  Meetings  ^th  February,   1896. 
P.  LE  PAGE  RENOUF,  Esq.,  President, 

IN    THE    CHAIR. 


-^;4?'^^i- 


The    following    Presents   were    announced,   and    thanks 
ordered  to  be  returned  to  the  Donors  : — 

From  the  Author  : — Dr.  A.  Wiedemann.  Die  Kulturbeziehungen 
Altagyptens  zum  Auslande.  (Separat-abdruck  aus  den  Bonner 
Jahrbiichern.     Heft  XCIX.)     Bonn.     8vo.      1895. 

From  David  J.  Waugh  :  —  Historical  Scarabs  ;  a  series  of 
Drawings  from  the  Principal  Collections,  arranged  chrono- 
logically by  W.  M.  Flinders  Petrie.     London.     8vo.     1889. 

[No.  cxxxv.]  45  D 


Feb,  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 

From  Rev.  R.  Gvvynne. — Where  is  Mount  Sinai  ?  by  Prof.  Edward 
Hull,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.,  &c.  Paper  read  before  the  Victoria 
Institute,  3rd  February,  1896. 

The  following  Candidates  were  elected  Members  of  the 
Society,  having  been  nominated  at  the  last  Meeting,  held 
on  the  14th  January,  1896: — 

William  G.  Jones,  6,  Ashfield  Terrace  West,  Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Arthur  E.  Fardon,  Vaudry  Bank,  Fleetwood. 

The  following  Candidates  were  nominated  for  election  at 
the  next  Meeting  on  March  the  3rd  : — 

Mrs.  Freeman  Cell,  27,  Bramham  Gardens,  South  Kensington. 
Edward  John  Pilcher,  49,  Charlwood  Street,  South  Belgravia,  S.W. 


A  Paper  w^as  read  by  P.  le  Page  Renouf,  President,  on 
*'  The  Symbols  on  Funeral  Stelae." 

A  Paper  was  read  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  M.  Friedlander,  on 
'■'  Some  Fragments  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  with  peculiar  Abbre- 
viations, and  a  peculiar  System  of  Vowel  Signs,"  which  will 
be  printed  in  the  March  Proceedings. 

Remarks  were  added  by  Dr.  Caster,  Mr.  W.  G.  Thorpe, 
Mr.  Elkan  Adler,  and  Dr.  Friedlander. 

Thanks  were  returned  for  these  communications. 


46 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


BOOK   OF   THE    DEAD. 
By  p.  le  Page  Renouf. 


CHAPTER    CXXV. 

Notes — continued. 


3.  Kindred,  Ir  IJu ^ Mr  cV|  '  •  ^^^  ^^&^  ^^  plurality  does  not 
here,  any  more  than  in  Ciiapter  i,  necessarily  imply  more  than  one 
person.  The  crime  in  question  is  one  to  which  men  are  easily 
tempted  in  certain  stages  of  society.  Abimelech,  in  the  book  of 
Judges  (ix,  5),  "  slew  his  brethren,  the  sons  of  Jerubbaal."  Jephthah 
had  to  "flee  from  the  face  of  his  brethren."  Absalom  had  his 
brother  Amnon  assasinated,  and  all  the  king's  sons  fled  in  fear  of 
sharing  the  same  fate.  Solomon  put  to  death  his  elder  brother 
Adonijah.  Athaliah,  the  queen  mother,  "destroyed  all  the  seed 
royal "  of  Judah.  The  annals  of  eastern*  and  even  westernf  nations 
are  full  of  such  occurrences.  But,  in  positions  less  exalted  than 
that  of  claimants  to  royalty,  ambition  or  covetousness  are  motives 
to  crimes  like  that  of  the  wicked  uncle  of  '  the  Babes  in  the  Wood.'  % 

*  *•  His  sons  were  kept  in  prison,  till  they  grew 
Of  years  to  fill  a  bowstring  or  a  throne." 

+  To  quote  only  well  known  cases,  we  have  '  the  massacre  of  the  princes/ 
involving  the  two  uncles  and  seven  cousins  of  the  Emperor  Constantius,  and 
those  of  our  own  King  John  and  Richard  III. 

X  The  legislation  of  Solon  is  said  by  Diogenes  Laertius  (who  is  however 
contradicted  by  notorious  evidence)  to  have  excluded  from  the  position  of 
guardian  anyone  who  had  the  right  of  succession  to  the  ward's  estate.  And  this 
was  also  the  law  of  England  with  reference  to  guardians  in  socage.  In  France 
the  next  in  succession  had  the  charge  of  the  estate,  but  was  excluded  from  the 
custody  of  the  person  of  the  ward. 

47  D   2 


FE15.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH-FOLOGY.  [1896. 

The  readint:  Ht  [\i\  ^  ^^,  which  has  for  determinative  the  sign  "^a. 

"^  [^^ii      I  I  I 
of  smalbiess,  seems  to  indicate  that  the  victims  of  the  crime  are 

minors,  perhaps  ivards. 

Some  of  the  papyri  (even  that  of  Nebseni)  have  a  calf,  "^^^ 

as  determinative  of  the  word,  and  as  the  '  slaying  of  calves '  is  not 

necessarily  a  crime,  other  scribes  have  added    |  *^s^,  'sacred,'  and 
thus  made  the  sin  one  of  sacrilege. 

The  same  word,  like  the  Greek  noaxo''  and  the  Latin  piiUits. 
might  be  applied  to  the  young  of  all  kinds  of  animals  ;  but  the 
Egyptian  scribes  have  in  such  cases  a  propensity  to  use  a  deter- 
minative which  forces  a  wrong  sense  upon  the  word. 

^«5> 


4.  Instead  of  truth,  %\  J  S^  I)  •  There  are  two 
ways  according  to  which  this  expression  may  be  translated,  but  only 
one  of  them  can  be  the  right  one.  ^  r  is  a  compound  pre- 
position,  instead  of  in  loco,  anstatt,  au  lieu  de,  i\  ;a.^'  .  And  this  is 
evidently  the  right  construction.     If  vX     be  taken  as  the  simple 

preposition  governing  r  ^^  <=,  \\ ,  the  meaning  will  be  that  the 
deceased  did  not  "  tell  lies  in  the  cemetery^  The  Pyramid  Texts 
(Unas,  394)  have   the   expression    — ^  v^\    r        [  ^~  {sic), 

"  Right  instead  of  Wrong." 

5.  This  is  only  an  approximate  version  of  a  passage,  the  true 
text  of  which  was  lost  at  an  early  period.  M.  Maspero  {Origines, 
p.  189)  understands  it  as  follows  :  "  Je  n'ai  jamais  impose  du  travail 
a  I'homme  libre  quelconque,  en  plus  de  celui  qu'il  faisait  pour  lui- 
meme  ! "  The  last  words  are  the  translation  of  ^^^  ^^  "^^ , 
according    to    Td.    (tomb    of    Ramses    IV)   all  the   other   ancient 

texts  having    \^  ,  'for  me.'     But  the  chief  difficulties  occur  at  the 

beginning  of  the  sentence. 

6.  Shorten  the  palm's  length,   ®  Jr^t\  ^^^"^-      ^^''^"Y 

pa])yri  read  ^^o,   which  is  a  superficial  measure,   more   in   place 

I 1 

under  the  next  precept. 


7.    The  fields'  measure,   V\    x 


48 


FEii.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

8.  The  beam  of  the  balance,  ^"^  "^  "^1^  ^  1^  ^  ^  ' 
The  tongue  [rather  plummet^  of  the  balance,         v\  ^  r-^-^ 

The  balance  is  so  frequently  represented  in  false  perspective  by- 
Egyptian  artists,  that  Sir  J.  G.  Wilkinson  has  given  an  account  of  it, 
which  is  quite  unintelligible  to  those  who  have  ever  so  moderate 
a  knowledge  of  statics.  j\Ir.  Petrie's  description  is  the  true  one- 
"  The  beam  was  suspended  by  a  loop  or  ring  from  a  bracket  pro- 
jecting from  the  stand.  .  .  .  Then  below  the  beam,  a  long  tongue 
was  attached,  not  above  the  beam  as  with  us.  To  test  the  level 
of  the  beam,  a  plummet  hung  down  the  tongue,  and  it  was  this 
plummet  which  was  observed  to  see  if  the  tongue  was  vertical  and 
the  beam  horizontal." — A  Season  in  Egypt,  p.  42. 

In' PI.  XXXV,  a  few  pictures  will  be  found  which  give  a  more 
correct  notion  of  the  Egyptian  balance  than  some  of  the  absurd 
representations  which  defy  a  scientific  explanation. 

It  is  evident  that  if  the  tongue  is  fastened  at  a  wrong  angle,  the 
beam  will  not  really  be  horizontal  when  the  tongue  is  shown  by  the 
plummet  line  to  be  vertical.  This  seems  to  be  the  fraud  alluded  tO' 
in  the  text. 

The  word  J  =0= .  §  ""^"^  >  ^'^^  name  given  to  the  plummet,  ap- 
parently signifies  a  cup  pull  of  liquid.     It  is  etymologically  identical 

^^'^^^    (<s^    V  "^  ^'   '''    ^^P^^    i^^i^^i     'f"^^)    ebrius,    ebrietas)y 

^  ^^,  XI^I,  a  crane,  and       1]  ^  the  crane-god,  Thoth. 

The  apparatus  of  which  the  plummet  forms  so  important  a 
|)art,  whether  for  the  balance  or  for  building  purposes,  is  called 

9,  The  manors  of  the  s;ods,   d         III.     I  understand  d       as- 

■^  "^  N  111    II  I  Ns: 

property  acquired  by  royal  grant.     Aahmes  at  El  Kab  says  that  he 

has   acquired    |   V=^  '^ x<>  ^y\  M^^ )   much    land    through    the   royal 

bounty.     The  deceased  in  the  later  copies  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead 

(Ch.  I,  24),  acquires  the  allotment  of  land,    }=^  h ^\    ^^.  x      1  y 

in  the  Clarden  of  Aarru,  and  Ani  (PI.  Ill)  acquires  "a  permanent 

49 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.-EOLOGY.  [1896. 

allotment  {f=^  ^3  )  in  the  Garden  of  Hotepit  like  the  followers 
of  Horus." 

10.  Fo/ids.  The  right  reading  is  "^  ^^,  t— T'  ^^  ^^^^"'^ 
already  noted  in  his  Dictionary,  from  the  excellent  papyrus  Ao  of 
the  XVIIIth  dynasty. 

Hieratic  papyri  also  give  the  determinative  t==t. 

The  determinative  .  ^  -■  which  some  of  the  papyri  give  to  the 
word,  and  which  is  a  self-evident  blunder,  is  probably  copied  either 

from  I \,  or  from  t=^.     The  sign  ^^5>^,  and  a  man  striking  with 

an  instrument,  which  also  occur,  are  mere  symbols  of  the  operation 
by  which  either  quarries,  or  ponds,  are  cut. 

11.  Thou  of  the  Nose,  or  rather  Beak,  -^^^  mB^,  in  allusion 

to  one  of  the  chief  characteristic  features  of  the  Ibis  god  {Trp6aivTroi> 
fc9  Trt  /iidXicna  iiri^ipvirou  ;  Herodotus,  II,  76,  in  his  description  of  the 
bird).     Thoth,  the  god  of  Chemunnu,  is  meant  by  this  appellative. 

He  is  so  called,  '   (lO  ^ ,  on  the  statue  of  the  King  Horus  in  the 

Museum  of  Turin  (1.  8),  and      tl[l  ^  on  the  very  much  more  ancient 

altar,  of  the  Vlth  dynasty,  belonging  to  the  same  museum.  The 
same  appellative  *  is  found  in  the  list  of  gods  upon  each  of  the 
Memphite  cubits  described  by  Lepsius.t 

12.  Eater  of  the  Shadoiv.  The  Demotic  version  interprets  this 
of  "  his  own  shadow."  I  am  rather  inclined  to  interpret  it  by  "  the 
gnomons  which  were  without  shadows  at  noon,"  and  the  "  well  of 
Syene"  (Strabo,  817)  at  the  Summer  Solstice;  when  the  Sun  was 
vertical. 

13.  Thou  of  Lion  form, -^^^^^^     The  Demotic  has  "Shu 

and  Tefnut."  But  as  there  are  only  forty-two  gods  in  all,  we  must 
here  think  of  a  single  god  with  a  lion's  head,  as  in  such  pictures 
as  Wilkinson,  III,  PI.  XLIX ;  Denkm.,  Ill,  276,  and  many  sarco- 
phagi {e.g.,  Leemans,  Mon.,  Ill,  L,  PI.  III). 

Even  some  of  the  Theban  papyri  have  two  divinities  by  way  of 
determinatives  to  the  group. 

*  The  true  sense  of  the  name  has  been  missed  by  Birch,  who  reads  it  Teti, 
and  by  Brugsch,  who  reads  it  "  Chonti,  der  Anfanglichc." 
t  D.  Acgyptische  Elle,  Taf.  I  and  2. 

5» 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


sluggishness.  Coptic  6^n<LT.  See  my  note  {Proc.  Soc.  Bib.  Arch., 
XI,  p.  76)  on  the  Inscription  of  Kum  el  Ahmar. 

There  are  however  other  readings ;  none  of  them  apparently  of 
any  value. 

15.  Thou  of  the  Bright  Teeth,  |  '^  (]  J  f  ^  j^,  •  The 
Demotic  equivalent  is,  "  who  openeth  his  teeth,"  and  so  exhibits 
their  brightness. 


16.  Aati,  ^^  c-°=-^  (1(1  Jj  ,  a  name  about  which  the 
copyists  have  bungled.  It  is  one  of  the  names  of  Ra  in  the  Solar 
Litany,  where  it  appears  (1.  23)  as  ^k>  ^^^^^  "v  ^^^  ^  '  °'' 

<0«i-     Whether  applied  to  the  Sun,  to  the  Fish  of  the  name, 
or  to  a  Ship,  the  name  means  Cutter,  '  that  which  cleaves  '  its  way. 

1 7.  Tutu\_f'f\ ,  Dr£i  ^  C^^  ^  ^^  ,  with  many  variants,  show- 
ing that  the  scribes  did  not  understand  the  sense  of  the  syllable 
r^-0  ^ ,  some  of  them  adding  the  bird  of  evil  "^^^ ,  others  the  1 — — 1 

determinative  of  mountain.  Such  a  name  occurs  nowhere  else, 
but  some  papyri  call  him  Tutu,  and  if  this  be  an  equivalent  name 
the  god  may  be  recognised  in  later  texts.  In  the  Calendar  of 
Esneh  there  is  a  feast  on  the   14th  day  of  Thoth,  in  honour  of 

li^^  ,  Tutu,*  '  the  son  of  Neith,'  and  the  text  gives  the 


important  determinative  1||||^,  of  a  serpent,  worm,  or  slug.  I 
suspect,  therefore,  that  we  should  in  the  text  read  the  name  Tutu, 
and  consider  a!;.^  as  a  determinative.  The  symbolism  would  then 
be  identical  with  that  in  PI.  XXIII,  illustrative  of  Chapter  87.  The 
Sun-god  there  rises  up  like  a  worm  out  of  the  Lotus  of  Dawn, 
whereas  in  another  picture  a  slug  (*^-=^)  is  seen  moving  upon  the 
flower. 

W  c^ Q '  ^^^''  ^^'h^''^  ^h^  ?>^^  makes  his  appearance,  is  the  name 
of  the  ninth  Nome  of  Lower  Egypt. 

18.  /  trouble  myself  only  7vith  my  oivn  affairs.     I   understand 

""■  This  god's  name  is  also  written  with  a  <~'=^      But  in  the  late  periods  no 
difference  was  made  between  the  /  sounds. 

51" 


Feu.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGV.  [1S96. 

this  of  the  virtue  spoken  of  by  Cicero  {de  Officiis,  I,  34),  "  nihil 
praeter  suum  negotium  agere,  nihil  de  alieno  anquirere,  minimeque 
esse  in  aliena  republica  curiosum."  It  is  the  same  to  which  Plato 
refers  in  the  Tiniaeiis,  72  A;  n"'  k(u   7rd\oi   \c~j(T(it   to   Trp/nrcti'   vr/J 

'^/I'ivi'at    T«    TC    IdiiToi'    k((i    linnoi'    (ricfjijio t> i    ^toi'ic    7ri)U(7)jKviv,  not    in    the 

sense  of  a  selfish  indifference  to  a  neighbour's  welfare  or  the  public 
good,  but  in  opposition  to  the  ways  of  the  busybodies,  who  tattle 
and  "speak  things  which  they  ought  not"  (i  Tim.,  v,  13). 


The  Eg)'ptian  _i;so  ^  j^^  ^  j-are  word.    Brugsch's  etymology 


of  it  is  an  impossible  one,  and  his  identification  of  it  with  cycucJUL 
is  not  less  unfortunate. 

„.  A,„„,  or  A„.i,,  (}  1^  ^  ^>  000  :■  0  ko-  ^'"'^ 
seems  to  be  the  favourite  reading.  It  means  the  iou'u  of  Palm. 
But,  as  the  name  was  written  ideographically,  it  appears  in  some 
copies  as  the  town  of  other  trees,  such  as  Nehait,  or  Narit. 

Amu  was  a  place  in  the  north  of  Egypt,  which  Brugsch  thinks 
he  has  identified  wnth  a  town  called  Apis  (the  site  of  which  is  itself 
doubtful). 

The  most  interesting  thing  known  about  Amu  (Diimichen,  Rec. 
de  Af.,  IV,  PI.  XV,  90  rt),  is  that  in  the  rites  performed  on  the  16 
Choiak,  Horus  is  represented  as  raising  up  the  body  of  Osiris  out  of 
the  water  in  the  form  of  a  crocodile  ;   and  that  Osiris  was  known 

under  the  name  of  ^ -OOO®-  ^^^'^  Crocodile,  Lord  of  Amu. 

The  142nd  chapter  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  which  gives  a  list 
of  the   names  of  Osiris,   has  (1.    17)   that  of      A  ,   'Osiris   of 

Crocodile  form,'  or  'with  Crocodile  head."*  The  variants  of  this 
group,  however,  show  the  reading  [Igj  |I1Q  j^'  'l^'"g.'(^r  f)  j|l)l]?^fl^ 
'  of  kingly  form.'  There  is  but  little  doubt  that  (as  M.  Naville  .says, 
Zeiischr.,  1882,  p.   190)  Wl    1  '  °"  ^^^  Turin  tablet  published 

by  Professor  Piehl,  n)eans  '  King  of  the  gods,'  and  that  Ptahhotep 

in  the  Prisse  papyrus  (IV,  i)  addresses  not  Osiris,  but  King  Assa  as 

'  my  Lord  the  King.'     Goodwin  had  already  asserted  this  meaning 

in  his  ^^  Story  of  Satteha,"  and  in  the  Zeifsc/ir.,  1874,  p.  38. 

If 
*  On  the  oilier  hand  in  the  standard  ^^<^^.  of  Dcndcra,  the  Crocodile  is  Sut, 

and  the  Feather  upon  his  head  is  Osiris. 

52 


Feh.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

The  orthography  of  the  crocodile  name  here  played    upon   is 

1    11  'tk  tk  n  Tk     <:~°^^        1 'tk       ^    iR. 

remarkably  vague,  v\  cr:^::^  v^  'Ss^- ,  ij  v\  ,  and  V\  Mf^ 

rapax,  Louvre,  C,   26).     It  is  this  last  form  which  enables  us  to 

see    the   paranomasia    in    °^— '  j.      n  y  [I  =ss=> ,    rapax   siait  Raptor 

{crocodiliis)  of  the  Prisse  papyrus  (VII,  6),  and  brings  the  word  into 
connection  with  aia,  or  aii,  '  he  who  is  seized  '  of  the  Sovereignty 
(see  supra,  Ch.  40,  note  10). 

2C.    CJieviiu,    ®  ix\   I  I    y\  1  E^ ,    'one    who    overthrows.'      His 


_^4 
ap]:)earance    is   made   at  Kami,     ^  rjwv^  the  Canobic 

entrance  to  the  Nile,  which  the  Libyan  invaders  had  taken  possession 
of  in  the  time  of  Rameses  III  (Great  Ham's  Pap.,  77,  2). 

The  transgression  here  disavowed  is  understood  by  some  of  the 
scribes  as  a  violation  of  ritual  precepts,  such  as  those  regarding 
sacred  seasons. 


53 


Feb.  4] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGY. 


[1S96. 


CHAEREU   TO    HERMOPOLIS   ON   A   BILINGUAL 

MILESTONE. 

By  F.  L.  Griffith. 

By  the  kindness  of  Mr.  H.  J.  Moule,  Honorary  Curator  of  the 
Dorset  County  Museum,  I  am  enabled  to  pubhsh  an  interesting 
tablet  which  I  noticed  on  a  recent  visit  to  Dorchester,  and  wnich 
the  Rev.  H.  C.  Reichardt  had  deposited  there,  temporarily,  with 
other  objects  collected  during  his  labours  as  a  missionary  in  Turkey, 
Syria,  and  Egypt.  It  is  a  thin  slab  of  limestone,  16  inches  wide  and 
12  inches  high,  purchased  in  Alexandria  about  iSSo,  and  said  at  the 
time  to  have  been  found  in  that  neighbourhood.  The  inscription 
enables  us  to  fix  very  closely  the  locality  to  which  it  belonged. 


A  Chaereu  m.  xii. 

foro  'S.aipeov  /.i  ifi 

The  last  sign  alone  is  injured,  but  is  quite  legible.  The 
characters  are  of  about  the  IVth  century  a.d.,  not  unlike  those  on 
the  Ero-Clusma  milestone  of  Maximian  and  Severus  from  Tell  el 
Maskhuteh.  The  first  and  second  lines  give  in  Latin  and  Greek 
respectively  a  distance  of  1 2  miles  from  Chaereu  ;  these  two  lines 
are  well  spaced  and  were  ruled  for  the  engraver.  The  rest  of  the 
*  The  mark  of  abbreviation  is  very  uncommon. 
54 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

inscription  is  a  nearly  contemporary  addition  (the  first  line  being 
cramped  and  abbreviated) ;  it  gives,  in  Greek  only,  a  similar  distance 
of  T2  miles  from  Hermopolis.  We  have,  therefore,  before  us  the 
milestone  that  marked  the  half  distance  between  Hermopolis  and 
Chaereu.  The  former  is  of  course  Hermopolis  Parva  in  the  Delta, 
the  site  of  which  is  well  known  to  be  that  of  Damanhur.  Chaereu, 
likewise,  is  known  from  the  Antonine  Itinerary  to  be  xx  or  xxiv 
miles  from  Hermopolis,  and  to  have  been  the  last  station  on  the 
way  to  Alexandria.  It  is  satisfactory  to  have  epigraphic  evidence 
for  the  distance  and  for  the  spelling  of  the  name.  According  to 
Procopius  (lib.  vi,  de  Aedificiis) :  "  The  river  Nile  does  not  quite 
reach  Alexandria,  but  after  running  to  a  village  called  Xftipeov,  it 
goes  on  the  left  (i.e.  east,  looking  up  the  river),  leaving  the  confines 
of  the  Alexandras. "  It  is  thus  evident  that  Chaereu  was  the  nearest 
point  to  Alexandria  on  the  river,  that  is  to  say  it  was  the  station  at 
which  the  canal  to  Alexandria  branched  off  from  the  Canopic  arm  of 
the  Nile.  Chaereu  is  therefore  to  be  identified  with  Strabo's 
Schedia,  "The  Bridges,''  where  the  tolls  were  taken  on  vessels 
going  up  or  down  the  river.  Chaereu  is  also  mentioned  in  Coptic 
texts  (see  Amelineau,  Geographie,  s.v.  "Kerioun"),  and  is  identified 

in  the  Scalae  with  ,.,»i  .i^\  .  Between  Nishweh  and  Keryiln  (pro- 
nounced  now  I  think  ^^  ^\  ,  though  always  written  with  cJ  )  there 

are  extensive  mounds  deeply  covered  with  Roman  remains.  I  do 
not  know  of  any  Egyptian  name  which  might  answer  to  Chaereu  : 
probably  the  eponymous  Xaipecu-  was  an  Alexandrian. 

To  judge  by  the  18S2  map  of  the  ^^''ar  Department,  the  direct 
distance  between  the  Nishweh-Keryuii  mound  and  that  of  Damanhur 
is  about  18  English  miles  (=  19^  Roman  miles).  This  is  the 
measurement  of  xx  to  be  read  by  preference  in  the  Itinerary.  The 
faulty  (?)  reading  of  xxiiii  agrees  with  the  inscription,  which  no 
doubt  reckoned  in  the  windings  of  the  river ;  on  the  other  hand  the 
final  /3  has  been  considerably  injured,  as  if  travellers  or  boatmen  had 
found  the  measurement  of  12  miles  to  Hermopolis  excessive,  and 
had  hacked  at  the  offending  letter,  it  being  the  only  damaged  sign 
upon  the  stone. 

Thus  the  milestone  only  confirms  the  general  conclusion  as  to 
the  site  of  Chaereu. 

I  have  to  thank  Mr.  Reichardt  for  permission  to  publish  his 
tablet,  and  Mr.  Moule  for  an  excellent  rubbing  of  it. 

55 


Fei:.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILFOLOGV.  [1S96. 


THE  ARRANGEMENT  OF  THE  XXIsx  DYNASTY. 
Bv  \V.  M.  Flinders  Petrie,  D.C.L.,  etc. 

The  following  sketch  of  the  information  at  present  at  our  com- 
mand, and  the  results  which  may  be  gathered,  is  based  on  the 
careful  study  of  the  period  in  question  by  Professor  Maspero  in  his 
"  Momies  Royales  de  Deir  el  Bahari,"  1889.  No  departure  is  here 
made  from  his  conclusions  and  treatment  of  the  material,  except 
where  circumstances  have  to  be  considered  which  he  has  not  taken 
into  account. 

The  two  limiting  dates  which  absolutely  bound  the  XX — XXIst 
dynasties,  are  two  of  the  Sothis  festivals  ;  first  of  the  twenty-ninth 
Thoth,  in  the  second  year  of  Merenptah  ;*  second,  a  feast  in  the 
twenty-second  year  of  Usarken  H.  The  first  gives  an  absolute  date 
of  1206  B.C.  within  two  or  three  years  either  way.  This  contradicts 
the  Sirius  rising  of  i  Paophi  falling  in  the  reign  of  Ramessu  VI,  as 
shown  in  his  tombjf  but  it  is  far  more  likely  that  the  artist  took 
for  his  decorations  of  the  tomb  an  older  star  diagram  which  had 
been  compiled  in  Merenptah's  reign,  rather  than  Merenptah  should 
have  put  up  a  wrong  date  for  his  Sirius  festival  on  a  public  monu- 
ment. On  testing  which  of  these  data  is  correct,  by  dead  reckoning 
of  reigns  from  other  fixed  points,  there  can  be  no  question  but  that 
1206  i!.c.  for  the  second  year  of  Merenptah  agrees  with  the  other 
material  far  better  than  the  star  diagram  does. 

The  other  limit  given  by  a  Sirius  festival  under  Usarken  H,  in 
his  twenty-second  year,  has  no  month  and  day  to  it  ;  but  we  know 
that  it  must  have  been  a  multiple  of  thirty  years  after  the  previous 
festival  in  1206,  or  perhaps  on  the  first  of  a  month  rather  than  the 
close  of  a  month  like  that  of   Merenptah.     Hence  it  should  fall 

*  Brugsch,  "  Reiseberichte,"  299.     Date  in  "  Denk.,"  Ill,  199  c. 
t  A.  Zeits.,  XXXII,  99. 

56 


Fkb.  4]  rROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

about  899  B.C.,  or  thirty  years  before  or  after  that.  This  would, 
l)y  the  lengths  of  reigns,  set  the  accession  of  Sheshenk  I  to  960  B.C.  ; 
as  all  the  generally  received  chronologies  would  preclude  our  dating 
it  thirty  years  earlier  or  later,  at  990  B.C.,  or  930  B.C.  These 
results  may  easily  be  a  few  years  uncertain  either  way,  owing  to 
various  minor  causes,  but  it  is  very  unlikely  that  they  are  ten  years 
in  error ;  and  they  at  least  show  what  range  of  time  we  have  to 
deal  with. 

Taking  then  the  lengths  of  reigns  which  are  guaranteed  by  the 
monuments,  or  stated  by  Manetho,  it  seems  that  we  cannot  be  far 
out  in  timing  the  Ramessides  as  follows  : — 


1207 

Merenptah 

IIS7 

B.C 

II87 

Sety  II 

II80 

II80 

Amen'meses 

II75 

1 1 75 

Sa'ptah 

II68 

1168 

Sefnekht 

II67 

1167 

Ramessu 

III 

II35 

1135 

)) 

IV 

II29 

1 129 

5J 

V 

II25 

1125 

)» 

VI 

II23 

1123 

5) 

VII 

II2I 

1 121 

„      VIII 

II20 

1120 

5) 

IX 

III3 

1113 

J) 

X 

1094 

1094 

)) 

XI 

1087 

10S7 

55 

XII 

1060 

The  uncertain  points  in  this  list  are  (i)  the  length  of  Sety  II's 
reign,  only  two  years  being  stated  on  monuments  :  here  seven  has 
been  allowed  as  likely,  leaving  of  course  a  doubt  of  a  few  years 
either  way.  (2)  Ramessu  VII  and  VIII,  of  whom  but  very  little  is 
known,  are  allowed  four  years.  The  data  for  the  other  reigns  of 
the  XXth  dynasty  will  be  found  stated  by  Maspero.  Such  a 
chronology  will  at  least  show  what  length  of  time  is  available  for 
the  XXIst  dynasty  within  general  limits,  and  1060  b.c.  for  the  close 
of  the  XXth  to  960  b.c.  for  the  rise  of  the  XXIInd  dynasty,  may 
be  adopted  without  great  uncertainty. 

On  looking  at  Manetho's  list  of  the  Tanite  dynasty,  the  first 
point  is  that  some  corruption  has  come  in,  either  to  the  total  or  to 
some   item.     The  question  is,   whether  twenty  years  has  dropped 

57 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

from  a  reign,  or  been  added  to  the  total.  Another  question  is,  what 
reign  corresponds  to  one  of  the  most  active  Tanite  kings,  Sa'amen? 
As  we  shall  see  below,  it  is  certain  that  he  cannot  be  Smendes  nor 
Herhor ;  and  yet  there  is  evidence  at  Deir  el  Bahri  that  he  reigned 
over  sixteen  years,  and  his  rebuildings  at  Tanis  point  to  a  long  reign. 
He  must  therefore  be  looked  for  as  a  long  reign,  and  yet  cannot  be 
any  of  the  three  long  reigns  (Smendes,  Psusennes  I,  or  Psusennes  II) 
which  are  in  the  dynasty.  Probably,  then,  the  twenty  years  has 
dropped  off  his  reign.  Which  of  the  reigns  is  his,  Neferkheres, 
Osokhor  or  Psinakhes — none  of  which  are  yet  identified — we  may 
probably  venture  by  an  emendation  of  Neterkheres,  or  Neter'khe- 
per-ra  (Neter-khar-riya)  Sa'amen,  for  Neferkheres  ;  and  then  restore 
ihe  lost  twenty  years  by  placing  his  reign  at  twenty-four  instead  of 
four  years.  This  is  but  an  hypothesis,  and  one  that  it  remains  for  us 
to  test ;  but  some  such  emendation  is  absolutely  indicated,  and  this 
form  is  the  more  likely. 

We  therefore  restore  the  Tanite  dynasty,  with  approximate  dates, 
as  follows : — 

10S9  Smendes        Nesi'ba'neb'dad 

1063  Psusennes      Pa'seb'khanu 

1022  Neterkheres  Neter"kheper*ra 

998  Amenopthis   Amen'emapt 

989  Osokhor 

983  Psinakhes 

974  Psusennes      Hor  Pa'seb"khanu 

960  Sheshenk  I 

Thus  we  have  reckoned  back  through  the  Tanite  series  of  the 
XXIst  dynasty,  from  a  fixed  point  of  later  date.  The  next  process 
is  to  reckon  forward  the  priest-kings  of  Thebes  of  the  XXIst  dynasty, 
from  the  end  of  the  Ramessides.  For  this  we  have  no  lengths  of 
reigns  nor  personal  data,  and  are  confined  to  merely  genealogic 
probabilities. 

There  seems  no  reason  to  question  in  any  way  Maspero's 
arrangement  of  the  family  genealogy.  Herhor  was  contemporary 
with  Ramessu  XI  and  XII ;  as  this  is  a  space  of  thirty  years  we 
cannot  allow  tliat  he  reigned  for  long  after  Ramessu  XII.  As  he 
must  have  been  of  mature  age  — for  his  grandson  succeeded  him  in 
the  priesthood — we  may  safely  assign  him  about  thirty  years  on 
accession,  and  betWLcn  sixty  to  seventy  at  his  death.     Thus  we  may 

58 


1063  B.C. 

1022   „ 

998 

989 

983 

974 

960 

l-Ei!.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

place  his  birth  about  11 20  B.C.  Allowing  an  average  of  twenty  years 
to  a  generation,  including  the  female  links  (which  go  two  to  one 
male  generation  at  Men'kheper'ra  and  Pai'nezem  II)  the  succession 
of  births  would  be  approximately  as  follows : — 

B.C. 

1 1 20  Herhor 

1 1 00  Pai"ankh 

1080  Pai'nezem  I 

1060  Masa  hart 

1040  Isfemkheb ;  m.  1020?  Men'kheperTa 

1020  Pai'nezem  II 

1000  Nesi'khonsu  ;  m.  Pai'nezem  II 

980  Nesi'ta'neb'ashru 

This  of  course  shows  nothing  about  the  lengths  of  priesthoods, 
or  the  ages,  but  merely  indicates  about  what  period  we  may  expect 
to  find  a  priest  contemporary  with  a  Tanite  king. 

For  fitting  these  two  series — priests  and  kings — together,  we  must 
use  the  dates  of  the  Tanite  kings  recorded  by  various  priests ;  unfor- 
tunately stated  merely  as  years,  without  naming  the  king.  These 
dates  have  all  been  collected  and  discussed  by  Maspero  in  his 
volume  on  the  "  Momies." 

The  first  thing  to  notice  in  these  mummy  endorsements  is  that 
certain  officials  frequently  recur,  as  shown  below,  with  page  refer- 
ences to  Maspero's  "  Momies." 

P.  573,     Year  16. 

{Zed'khonsu'auf'ankh,  treasurer. 
Nesi'su-pa-ka-shutiu,  scribe. 
Un'nefer. 

P.  551.     Year  16  of  Sa'amen. 

r  Ankh'fen'amen. 
Removal  of  Ramessu  I  by  ...  Wr     .       ,       ,    ..        ., 

•'        L  Nesrpa  ka'shuti,  scribe. 

P.  553.     Year  16  of  Sa'amen. 

,     ^^       ,,  f  Ankh*fen"amen. 

Removal  of  Sety  I  by  ...«^-.    .       ,       ,      .        ., 

•^        ^  LNesrpa'ka'shuti,  scribe. 

P.  558.     Year  16  of  Sa'amen. 

D  1    f  r.  TTT  ,       /  Ankh'fen-amen. 

Removal  of  Ramessu  III  by    <  ^.    .       ,      ,      .        ., 

I.  Nesrpa'ka'shuti,  scribe. 

59 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGV.  [1896. 

P.  520.     Year  5. 


■  Zed'khonsuMufankh,  treasurer. 
Burial  of  Nesi-khonsu  by     ...  i  Ankh-fen-amen,  prophet 


rZed 

■>      .'\nk.ll    ICll    cllliv;;!!,     |JlWpiH,l. 

LNesi"su"pa'ka"shutiu,  divine  father. 

P.  559.     Year  10. 

r  Zed'khonsu'auf'ankh,  treasurer. 
Removal  of  Ramessu  II  by     <  Aufen-amen,  son  of  Nesi'su-pa-shutiu 

I  Un'nefer. 

Though  one  name  might  be  repeated  in  the  same  office  in  a 
succeeding  generation,  it  would  be  (^uite  unlikely  that  a  group  of  two 
or  three  names  should  recur  together  in  the  same  offices  at  very 
different  epochs.  We  must  in  reason  therefore  place  all  these 
endorsements  within  about  twenty  or  thirty  years  ;  and  these  include 
the  burial  of  a  Pai'nezem,  which  must  by  this  group  be  Pai'nezem  I, 
say  about  1000  B.C.;  the  burial  of  Nesi-khonsu  not  before  975  i;.c., 
and  the  si.\teenth  year  of  Sa'arnen  which  would  be  1006  h.c.  as 
already  stated.  We  see  from  this  how  utterly  impossible  it  is  for 
Sa-amen  to  be  the  same  as  Herhor,  whose  sixteenth  year  would  be 
about  1075  B.C.,  or  a  hundred  years  before  the  same  officials  appear 
as  in  the  Nesi-khonsu  endorsement.  Setting  aside  all  dating,  and 
looking  only  at  generations,  it  is  obviously  impossible  for  the  same 
officials  to  act  six  generations  apart,  viz.,  under  Herhor,  Pai-ankh, 
Pai-nezem  I,  Masa-hart,  Isifemkheb,  Nesi-ba-neb-dad,  and  Nesi' 
khonsu.  Moreover  the  officials  under  Herhor  are  entirely  different 
in  name  to  these :  see  p.  553.* 

Sa-amen  being  therefore  certainly  not  Herhor,  he  is  evidently 
the  Sa-amen  Neter-kheper-ra  of  Tanis,  for  the  sixteenth  year  of  the 
Tanite  agrees  well  with  the  other  dates  of  these  officials,  as  approxi- 
mately indicated  by  the  priestly  family.  For  clearness  we  will  here 
anticipate,  and  show  the  results  in  a  tabular  form,  and  then  proceed 
to  the  details. 

In  fixing  the  contemporaneousness  of  the  two  series,  of  Tanis 
and  of  Thebes,  the  high  regnal  numbers  are  of  most  value.  Men"- 
kheper-ra  took  up  the  priesthood  amid  great  rejoicing  at  Thebes  on 
his  accession  in  a  twenty-fifth  year.t     The  only  reigns  in  which  this 

*  A  totally  different  proof  can  also  be  given,  thus :  under  Pai'nezeni  I, 
Ramessu  11 's  mummy  was  in  the  tomb  of  Sety  I,  and  under  .Sa'amen  it  was 
removed  from  the  tomb  of  Sety  I  with  two  others.  Sa-amen  therefore  came  after 
I'ai-nezem,  the  grandson  of  Herhor. 

+  Stela.     Brugsch,  "  History,"  II,  194. 

60 


BlltlclI   of 
A/es  i  kkonsu 


(aj  l9tBcuntssiill 
ueuildftmtnkotep/ 

S  tiLJe.  of  Mtn  kheptr  ra 


BuLYLCLLof  Pintze^m.  I 
SL-tjj  I  %*■  RcLmessiL  II 
yyiouLcL  to  /^KhuLpu 
Rtynoucd  of  AcLhryit^ 
Re.movcLl  of  pr^inces 


Rcimtssu.ll ttujrtxppid  inSeJiy  I 


WrcLJDfDLYigs  of  Se^  I 
Rtujrappin^  SeJj/J,  Bamtssu.  II 


^ 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

would  be  possible  are  the  first  three  of  the  Tanites  ;  and  as  this  must 
by  the  generations  be  late  in  the  series,  this  will  be  the  twenty-fifth 
year  of  the  twenty-four  years  and  some  months  of  the  reign  of 
Sa'amen.  In  short,  Men'kheperTa  could  not  take  up  his  position 
until  Sa"amen's  death.  Next  we  see  that  Pai'nezem  I  died  in  a 
sixteenth  year,  and  as  only  an  unimportant  priesthood  of  Masahart 
comes  between  this  and  Men'kheper'ra,  it  is  clearly  the  sixteenth 
year  of  Sa'amen.  Since  there  are  no  monuments  or  endorsements 
cf  Masa'hart,  it  appears  that  Sa'amen  took  over  the  control  of  Thebes 
himself  on  the  death  of  Pai'nezem  I  (endorsements  being  dated 
with  Sa'amen's  name),  and  that  he  held  the  power  till  his  death, 
or  last  illness^  when  Thebes  reverted  with  joy  to  the  priest-rule 
re-established  by  Men'kheper'ra. 

Another  high  date  is  the  tenth  year  removals  of  the  mummies 
of  Sety  I  and  Ramessu  II,  by  the  same  officials  as  acted  under 
Sa'amen.  This  cannot  be  the  tenth  year  of  Sa'amen,  as  in  the 
sixteenth  year  Sety  I  still  lay  in  his  own  tomb  (Masp.,  p.  553),  and 
in  this  tenth  year  he  was  moved  to  the  tomb  of  Amenhotep.  This 
must  therefore  be  the  tenth  year  of  the  nine  years  and  some  months 
of  the  reign  of  Amen'em'apt. 

In  both  of  these  cases  of  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  Sa'amen  and 
tenth  of  Amen'em'apt,  we  have  to  resort  to  the  fraction  of  the  last 
regnal  year,  which  must  be  under  six  months,  or  it  would  be 
reckoned  as;  a  year  more  in  Manetho.  As  the  months  and  days  are 
stated,  this  enables  us  to  test  this  matter  still  more  closely.  This 
results  in  finding  that  we  are  limited  in  uncertainty  to  the  mere 
fringe  of  weeks  needed  for  the  news  of  events  to  pass  from  Tanis  to 
Thebes.  Painezem's  burial  took  place  on  Pharmuthi  twentieth ; 
Sa'amen's  death  must  have  been  in  Paophi,  and  Amen'em'apt's 
death  in  Pharmuthi.  The  requirements  of  dates  to  allow  of  such 
dating  of  documents  as  is  found,  fall  within  very  close  limits,  but 
yet  there  is  no  contradiction.  The  fifth  year  in  which  Nesi'khonsu 
died  cannot  be  the  fifth  of  any  one  before  Psinakhes,  as  she  was 
born  about  1000  b.c.  If  we  drive  the  generations  further  back,  we 
have  unlikely  longevity  for  the  priests,  the  ages  postulated  at  present 
being  from  fifty  to  seventy-five,  and  if  we  thus  date  her  birth  at 
about  1000  BiC,  we  cannot  put  her  death  earlier  than  978  B.C.,  as 
she  had  four  children.  This  would  be  the  fifth  year  of  Psinakhes, 
and  we  can  hardly  drive  it  on  to  the  fifth  of  Pa'seb'khanu  II,  as 
that  would  require  Zed'khonsu'auf'ankh  to  have  acted  from   1006 

61  E 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

to  969  B.C.,  or  thirty-seven  years  in  the  same  ofifice  with  his  colleagues. 
By  taking  the  fifth  of  Psinakhes,  the  range  of  those  officials  is  from 
1006  to  978  B.C.,  or  twenty-eight  years,  which  is  as  long  as  it  is  at 
all  likely. 

We  close  therefore  the  evidence  given  by  these  ofificial  names^ 
which  has  secured  the  beginning  of  Men'kheperra  to  the  death  of 
Sa'amen,  so  making  him  co-equal  with  Amen'em'apt ;  and  we  have 
another  point,  that  Men'kheper'ra  reigns  till  a  sixth  year  {p.  555), 
which  must  be  that  of  Amen'em*apt,  as  Painezem  II  was  con- 
temporary with  that  Tanite  (p.  728).  The  death  of  Men'kheper*ra 
and  succession  of  Painezem  II  must  then  have  been  between  the 
si.xth  and  tenth,  or  last,  year  of  Amen'em-apt. 

Pai"nezem  II  was  succeeded  by  Auput,  son  of  Sheshenk  I.  This 
would  be  unlikely  before  Sheshenk  had  taken  the  kingdom ;  and  yet 
Sheshenk's  dates  of  endorsements  begin  in  year  5.  So  Pai'nezem  II 
must  have  died  between  the  first  and  fifth  year  of  Sheshenk.  Prob- 
ably the  fifth  year  was  the  time,  as  in  that,  and  the  sixth  year,  we 
find  the  rights  of  the  remainder  of  the  priestly  family  elaborately 
guarded,  as  by  a  treaty  or  compact,  in  the  inscriptions  on  the  pylon 
of  Horemheb  (p.  705).  That  these  dates  refer  to  the  reign  of 
Sheshenk  is  shown  by  Pai'nezem  II  being  already  dead  {jna-kheru), 
and  Au-put  therefore  in  office. 

Turning  now  to  the  beginning  of  the  dynasty,  we  find  Herhor 
dating  endorsements  in  a  sixth  year ;  this  is  not  likely  to  be  the 
sixth  of  Ramessu  XII,  as  the  Theban  king's  name  would  probably 
have  been  given.  This  ignoring  of  the  royal  name  in  endorsements 
indicates  the  half-independence  under  a  distant  dynasty.  As  Pa"seb" 
khanu  I  begins  in  1063  B.C.,  his  sixth  year  is  1057  B.C.,  and  by  that 
time  Herhor  must  have  succeeded  Ramessu  XII.  Next  we  see  in 
an  eighth  year  Pai'nezem  has  royal  titles  (p.  534),  while  in  a  ninth 
and  tenth  years  he  has  not  (pp.  555,  564).  Probably  therefore  the 
ninth  and  tenth  years  belong  to  Pa'seb  "khanu  I,  and  the  eighth  year 
to  his  successor  Sa'amen,  when  Pai'nezem  had  become  more  inde- 
pendent. This  would  then  limit  the  death  of  Herhor,  and  accession 
of  Pai'nezem  I,  between  the  sixth  and  ninth  years  of  Pa'seb'khanu  I. 
Thus  the  priesthoods  of  Thebes  are  limited  by  these  data  to  the 
following  years,  accepting  as  a  basis  the  approximate  dates  of  the 
Tanite  kings  as  stated  before. 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896 


PROCEEDINGS. 

B.C. 

B.C. 

About  logo 

Herhor 

1057-4 

1057-4 

Pai'nezem  I 

1006 

1006 

Masa-hart 

998 

998 

Men'kheper-ra 

992-989 

992-989 

Pai'nezem  II 

955 

This  long  reign  of  Pai'nezem  I  agrees  well  to  the  fact  of  his 
coming  early  into  office  in  succession  to  his  grandfather.  The  dates 
we  thus  reach  agree  reasonably  with  the  presumptive  birth  dates 
which  we  noticed  before.  The  ages  at  accession  and  death  coming 
out  as  follow  : — Herhor,  30 — 65;  Pai'nezem  T,  25 — 74;  Masa-hart, 
54 — 62;  Men'kheperTa,  52 — 60;  Pai'nezem  II,  30 — 65.  These 
are  all  reasonable  ages,  and  show  that  the  starting-point  cannot  be 
put  far  different,  nor  the  scale  of  the  generations  much  changed. 
Above  all,  this  result  of  bringing  the  dating  of  the  Ramessides  down 
from  Merenptah's  festival  to  meet  the  dating  of  the  Tanites  carried 
up  from  Usarken's  festival,  proves  to  be  quite  successful  (the  absolute 
contact  being  fixed  by  Amen'em'apt  and  Pai'nezem  II) ;  and  this 
must  give  considerable  confidence  in  a  chronology  which  works  out 
so  consistently  when  tested  in  details. 

We  will  lastly  look  at  the  general  history  of  the  XXIst  dynasty 
as  thus  set  out.  The  series  of  the  Ramessides,  from  IV  to  XII, 
follows — with  but  two  additions — the  order  of  the  sons  of  Ra- 
messu  III.  The  only  exceptions  are  Ramessu  V,  probably  a  son  of 
Ramessu  IV;  and  Ramessu  IX,  probably  a  son  of  the  Vlllth.  All 
the  others,  IV,  VI,  VII,  VIII,  Merilum,  X,  XI  and  XII,  stand  with 
the  same  personal  names  and  order  of  succession  as  the  recorded 
sons  of  Ramessu  III.  Such  a  coincidence  of  succession  would  be 
very  unlikely,  and  down  to  Ramessu  VIII  the  identity  of  the  princes 
and  kings  is  already  well  recognized.  This  descent  of  Ramessu  XII 
as  a  son  of  Ramessu  III  is  not  at  all  improbable  in  its  dates  :  if  this 
last  Ramesside  were  born  even  five  years  before  his  father's  death 
he  would  be  not  more  than  eighty  at  his  own  death. 

But  what  can  be  the  cause  of  such  a  strange — such  a  unique — 
succession  of  brothers  ?  It  cannot  have  been  that  they  all  killed 
their  predecessors,  for  if  so  they  would  have  been  equally  hkely  to 
kill  off  their  presumptive  successors.  It  can  hardly  have  been  that 
they  had  no  sons.  The  only  apparent  cause  is  in  the  power  of  the 
priests  of  Arnen,  and  it  seems  as  if  the  high-priest  had  attained  such 

63  E    2 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

power  in  Thebes  that  he  could  depose  one  king  and  set  up  another 
at  pleasure.  It  would  be  his  policy  to  rule  through  a  long  series  of 
old  men,  taking  always  the  eldest  of  the  long  family,  and  then  putting 
forward  another  when  a  change  was  needed.  The  longest  reign  of 
all  was  the  last  of  the  brothers,  when  there  was  no  further  any  need 
to  shift,  and  when  power  was  entirely  in  the  priestly  hands. 

During  the  time  of  Herhor,  Smendes  (Nesi'ba'neb'dad)  either 
raided  the  south,  or  perhaps  had  a  peaceful  mission  there  for  stone, 
as  his  name  is  found  in  the  quarry  opposite  Gebelen.  Pai'nezem  I, 
however,  firmly  established  his  power,  and  called  himself  king  in  the 
latter  part  of  his  reign.  On  his  death  the  active  king  of  Tanis — 
Sa'amen — controlled  Thebes  and  held  Masa'hart  in  check,  so  that 
he  did  little  or  nothing  to  assert  himself.  So  soon  as  Sa'amen 
became  mortally  ill  Men'kheper'ra  came  forward  and  re-established 
the  Theban  power,  Pai"nezem  II  succeeded  him  ;  and  dying  soon 
after  the  new  ruler  Sheshenk  had  established  his  dynasty,  a  prince 
of  the  new  line  was  sent  up  to  appropriate  the  priesthood  and  so 
bring  that  authority  into  subjection.  A  formal  treaty  assured  the 
priestly  princesses  of  the  security  of  their  rights,  and  thus  the 
transfer  of  power  was  rendered  more  acceptable  to  the  Thebans, 

The  essence  of  this  re-arrangement,  which  is  here  outlined,  lies 
in  the  evidence  of  the  names  of  officials  Jinking  together  three 
different  epochs  of  dates,  and  thus  proving  Sa"amen  to  be  long 
posterior  to  Herhor.  While  the  only  conjectural  emendation  is  in 
identifying  Sa'amen  Neter"kheper"ra — or  Neterkhurriya  as  the  cunei- 
form transliterations  would  indicate  the  pronunciation  to  have  been 
— with  Nefer'kheres,  and  restoring  to  this  reign  the  lost  twenty  years 
shown  by  the  total  of  the  dynasty.  Such  an  emendation  is  called 
for  by  the  facts  of  the  case,  the  greatness  of  Neter'khurriya  at  Tanis, 
Sa'amen's  sixteen  years  at  Deir  el  Bahri,  and  the  evident  omission 
in  the  list  of  reigns.  The  other  results  naturally  follow  on  this  basis, 
and  stand  or  fall  along  with  it.  At  least  we  have  now  a  working 
hypothesis  which  fits  every  known  fact  of  the  period,  and  which  can 
now  be  confirmed  or  overthrown  by  any  new  facts  of  importance 
that  may  be  found. 


:64 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


^i^    {GU),    THE     ELEVENTH    CONSTELLATION    OF 
THE    ZODIAC. 

By  The  Hon.  Miss  Plunket. 

In  the  astronomical  tablets  (of  the  ist  and  2nd  century  b.c.) 
translated  by  Epping  and  Strassmaier,  the  twelve  constellations  of 
the  Babylonian  Zodiac  are  constantly  referred  to.  Their  names 
appear  under  very  abbreviated  forms  in  the  tablets,  and  are  as 
follows  : — * 

1.  ][£j  {kii{saj-ikkii))  =  aries. 

2.  4*^1  {teijnennu))  =  taurus. 

3.  >f-  >]P  (jnasii)  =  gemini. 

4.  "jl^^  {pulukkii)  =  cancer. 

5.  "{]  (an/)  =  leo. 

6.  ][£[»■  (sen/)  =  virgo. 

7.  ^"^  {zibai2ilii)  =  libra. 

8.  «-  *^  (aqrahii)  =  scorpio. 

9.  ^  {J>d)  =  arcitenens. 

10.  X,  4k.T  (^'^■^^O  =   caper. 

11.  -^^  {gu)  =    amphora  [aquarius]. 

12.  ^  (ziV>)  =   pisces. 

Also  in  Epping  and  Strassmaier's  work  "  Astronomisches  aus 
Babylon,"  under  the  heading  "  Die  Zeichen  des  Thierkreises," 
pp.  170,  171,  and  "Die  Namen  der  Sterne,"  pp.  174,  175,  the 
twelve  abbreviations  met  with  in  the  tablets  are  discussed  at  some 
length. 

From  a  study  of  the  list  here  given  and  of  the  passages  referred 
to,  we  learn  that  it  has  been  found  possible  to  suggest,  for  some  of 

*  Zeitschrift  fiir  Assyriologie,  v  Band,  4  Heft,  October,  1890,  p.  351. 

65 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

the  abbreviations,  suitable  terminations,  and  in  the  completed  words 
thus  obtained,  the  familiar  constellations  of  the  zodiac  as  we  know 
them  are  easily  to  be  recognised. 

As  regards  other  of  the  abbreviations,  and  amongst  them  that  of 
•j^^  (gii)  for  the  eleventh  sign  (amphora  or  aquarius),  no  termina- 
tion has  been  suggested;  and  of  it  Strassmaier  thus  writes,*  p.  171  : 
"  —  gu  ist  sonst  fast  ausschliesslich  nur  als  Silbenzeichen  gu 
bekannt;"  and  Jensen,  discussing  Epping  and  Strassmaier's  constella- 
tion list,  writes  thus  of  the  abbreviation  ^'gu"  for  the  eleventh 
constellation:!  "Ob  Gu  einen  Wassereimer,  Schopfeimer,  be- 
zeichnen  kann  weiss  ich  nicht.  Die  bisher  veroffentlichen  Texte 
geben  keinen  Aufschluss  dariiber." 

As  a  probable  completion  for  the  abbreviation  "gu,"  the 
following  suggestion  is  here  put  forward  : — 

In  the  ancient  astrological  tablets  translated  by  Professor  Sayce 
in  his  paper  on  the  astronomy  and  astrology  of  the  Babylonians,  | 
pp.  189,  190,  "the  star  of  Gula."  is  mentioned,  and  the  cuneiform 
syllables  for  Gu-la  are  thus  printed  f>"^  *-^]-" 

The  cuneiform  syllable  •J^■<^  (gu)  in  the  Epping  and  Strassmaier 
tablets  bears,  as  may  be  seen,  a  very  close  resemblance  to  the  first 
syllable  of  the  name  Gula  as  given  in  Professor  Sayce's  paper.  It 
is  indeed  the  same  cuneiform  group  in  each  instance  differently 
represented  in  modern  type. 

But  this  fact  if  it  stood  alone  would  not  be  enough  to  do  more 
than  point  to  a  possible  identification  of  "  Gu  "  in  the  late  tablets 
with  Gula  in  the  ancient  astrological  works.  Amongst  the  many 
constellations  in  the  heavens  the  name  of  more  than  one  might  have 
begun  with  the  syllable  "Gu." 

We  find  however  at  a  later  page  (206)  of  Professor  Sayce's  paper, 
this  sentence  translated  from  W.A.I.  Ill,  57,  i: — 

"Jupiter  in  the  star  of  Gula  lingers."  None  of  the  five  planets 
known  to  the  Babylonians  could  ever  with  truth  have  been  described 
as  appearing  or  "lingering"  in  any  part  of  the  heavens  outside  the 
band  of  the  zodiac  stars:  "the  star  (or  constellation)  Gula"  we 
must  therefore  assume  was  a  zodiacal  star  or  constellation.  This 
restriction  of  the  position  of  the  "star  Gula"  renders  it  scarcely  a 
rash  conclusion  to  arrive  at,  that   the  zodiacal  "gu"  of  the  later 

*  Astronomisches  aus  Babylon. 

t  Kosmologie  der  Babylonier,  p.  314. 

X  Transactions,  Biblical  Archeology,  Vol.  Ill,  February,  1894. 

66 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

tablets  is  an  abbreviation  for  the  zodiacal  "  Gula "  of  the  ancient 
astrological  works. 

As  to  a  mythological  reason  for  the  choice  of  the  goddess  Gula 
to  preside  over  the  constellation  known  to  us  as  "  Aquarius,"  we 
find  it  in  the  fact  that  "Gula"  appears  as  another  name  for  the 
goddess  Bau*  and  Bau  (or  Bahu)  was  a  personification  of  the  dark 
7vater  or  chaos. 

If  we  adopt  this  identification  of  the  star  or  constellation  Gula 
with  the  constellation  or  some  star  in  the  constellation  Aquarius, 
it  will  throw  light  on  many  of  the  inscriptions  found  on  statues  and 
other  monuments  at  Telloh  (the  modern  name  of  the  mound  which 
covers  the  ruins  cf  the  ancient  city  of  Lagash). 

AVe  find  from  these  inscriptions  that  the  deities  especially 
worshipped  at  Lagash  were  not  the  same  as  those  who  held  the 
foremost  places  contemporaneously  in  the  Accadian,  and  at  a  later 
time  in  the  Babylonian  pantheon.  Nin-girsu  and  "  his  beloved 
consort,"  the  goddess  Bau,  received  in  Lagash  the  highest  honours. 
On  one  of  the  statues  of  Gudea,  "the  priestly  governor  of  Lagash," 
this  inscription  occurs  : — t 

"  To  Nin-girsu,  the  powerful  warrior,  of  Ellillu  [this  is  dedicated] 
"  by  Gudea,  priestly  governor  of  Lagash,  who  has  constructed  the 
"  temple  of  Einunu,  consecrated  to  Nin-girsu. 

"  For  Nin-girsu,  his  lord,  he  has  built  the  temple  of  Ekhud,  the 
*'  tower  in  stages,  from  the  summit  of  which  Nin-girsu  grants  him  a 
"  happy  lot. 

"  Besides  the  offerings  which  Gudea  made  of  his  free  will  to 
"  Nin-girsu  and  to  the  goddess  Bau,  daughter  of  Annu,  his 
"  beloved  consort,  he  has  made  others  to  his  god  Nin-giszida. 

"  That  year  he  had  a  block  of  rare  stone  brought  from  the 
"  country  of  Magan  ;  he  had  it  carved  into  a  statue  of  himself. 

"  On  the  day  of  the  beginning  of  the  year,  the  day  of  the 
"  festival  of  Bau,  on  which  offerings  were  made  :  one  calf,  one  fat 
*'  sheep,  two  ram.s,  seven  pat  of  dates,  seven  sab  of  cream,  seven 
"  palm  buds. 

"  Such  were  the  offerings  made  to  the  goddess  Bau  in  the 
"  ancient  temple  on  that  day." 

Nin-girsu,  the  god — so  highly  exalted  in  this  and  in  other 
inscriptions  found  in  the  mounds  of  Telloh — has  been  identified 

*  Maspero,  Egypt  and  Chaldea,  p.  672,  notes  i,  2. 
t  Evetts,  Ne~o  Light  on  the  Bible,  p.  162. 
67 


JEB.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  i;iliLICAL  ARCH.^iOLOGV.  [1S96. 

with  the  god  Ninib*  of  the  Babylonians.  Much  difference  of 
opinion  prevails  as  to  what  astronomical  ideas  were  connected  by 
the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Mesopotomia  with  the  god  Ninib. 

Jensen  admits  that  the  generally  received  opinion  as  to  Ninib  is 
that  he  represents  the  "southern  sun."t  He,  however,  contends, 
with  great  eagerness  that  this  is  a  mistaken  opinion,  and  that  Ninib 
is  really  the  eastern  or  rising  sun.  Many  of  Jensen's  arguments 
against  the  possibility  of  Ninib  representing  the  southern  sun  are 
based  on  the  assumption  that  the  epithet  •'  southern,"  applied  to  the 
sun,  denotes  the  power  of  the  mid-day  sun ;  whereas  in  other 
descriptious  of  Ninib  he  appears  as  struggling  with,  though  in  the 
end  triumphant  over,  storm,  and  cloud,  and  darkness. 

But  "  southern  sun,"  instead  of  the  "  alles  verzehrenden  und 
versengenden  Sud-oder  Mittags  Sonne,"  may  more  fitly  in  an 
astronomical  sense  mean  the  struggling  and  finally  triumphant  sun 
of  the  winter  solstice.  And  if  we  so  understand  the  expression,  the 
apparently  contradictory  references  to  Ninib  are  easily  explained. 

At  mid-winter  the  sun  rises  and  sets  more  to  the  south  than  at 
any  other  time  of  the  year  ;  at  noon  on  the  day  of  the  winter 
solstice  the  sun  is  forty-seven  degrees  nearer  to  the  south  pole  of  the 
heavens  than  it  is  at  the  summer  solstice. 

If  instead  of  adopting  Jensen's  contention,  and  looking  upon 
Ninib  as  the  eastern  rising  sun,  we  revert  to  the  generally  held 
opinion  that  Ninib  was  the  god  of  the  southern  sun,  and  if  we 
understand  the  southern  sun  in  its  astronomical  sense  as  the  winter, 
or  more  strictly  speaking  the  mid-winter  sun,  it  will  naturally  lead 
us  to  the  conclusion  that  "  the  day  of  the  beginning  ot  the  year,"  the 
day  of  the  festival  of  Bau  Ningirsu's  (=  Ninib's)  "beloved  consort," 
was  held  at  the  time  of  the  winter  solstice. 

Speaking  in  round  numbers,  from  4000-2000  B.C.  the  winter 
solstice  took  place  when  the  sun  was  in  conjunction  with  the  con- 
stellation Aquarius,  which  constellation,  or  some  one  of  its  stars, 
was,  as  we  have  suggested,  called  by  the  astronomers  of  Babylonia 
''  dula,"  Gula  being  another  name  for  Bau. 

It  is  not  therefore  surprising  to  find  that  those  rulers  of  Lagash 
whose  dates  fell  between  4000  and  2000  b.c.  should  have  so  often 
associated  together  Ningirsu  and  Bau ;  and  further,  that  Gudea, 
whose  rule  is  placed  at  about  2900  b.c,  should  on  "the  day  of  the 

*  Maspero,  Egypt  and  Chaldea,  pp.  637,  645. 
t  Jensen,  Die  Kosinologic  der  Babylonicr,  p.  460. 

68 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

beginning  of  the  year  "  have  kept  high  festival  in  honour  of  Bau,  as 
the  beneficent  deity  presiding  in  conjunction  with  Ningirsu  over  the 
revolving  years. 

The  precession  of  the  equinoxes  must  necessarily  in  the  course 
of  ages  introduce  confusion  into  all  zodiacal  calendars  and  into  all 
ritual  and  mythological  symbolism  founded  on  such  calendars. 
From  2000  B.C.  down  to  the  beginning  of  our  era,  the  winter 
solstice  took  place  when  the  sun  was  in  conjunction  with  Capri- 
cornus,  not  with  Aquarius.  In  those  later  days,  if  the  inhabitants 
of  Lagash  still  celebrated  their  new  year's  festival  at  the  winter 
solstice,  Bau  (=  Gula  =  Aquarius)  could  only  have  laid  a  traditional 
claim  to  preside  over  it. 

In  accordance  with  these  astronomical  facts,  we  learn  from 
the  teachings  of  the  tablets  that  the  especial  reverence  paid  to 
Bau  =  Gula.,  in  the  Lagash  inscriptions  was  not  extended  to  her  in 
later  times. 

As  to  Ninib,  we  know  that  even  at  Gudea's  date  in  the  neigh- 
bouring state  of  Accad,  and  in  later  times  in  Babylon,  he  did  not 
hold  the  pre-eminent  position  accorded  to  him  by  the  early  rulers  of 
Lagash. 

This  difference  in  the  religious  observances  of  Accad  and  Lagash 
regarding  Ninib — the  god  of  the  winter  solstice — as  we  here  suppose 
him  to  be,  may  also  receive  an  astronomical  explanation. 

According  to  the  evidence  of  "  The  Standard  Astrological  Work," 
the  compilation  of  which  is  generally  attributed  to  the  date  3800  e.g., 
and  according  to  the  evidence  of  many  other  tablets,  the  year  in 
Accad  and  afterwards  in  Babylon  began  not  at  the  winter  solstice, 
but  on  the  ist  day  of  Nisan,  and  Nisan  (Ace.  Bar  Zig-gar),  the  month 
of  "  the  right  making  sacrifice,"  was,  as  its  name  suggests,  the  month 
during  which  the  sun  was  in  conjunction  with  the  constellation 
Aries.* 

At  Gudea's  date,  about  3000  e.g.,  the  ist  of  Nisan,  if  it  was 
dependant  on  the  sun's  entry  into  Aries,  must  have  fallen  about 
mid-way  between  the  winter  solstice  and  the  spring  equinox,  and  as 

*  Some  scholars  hold  that  the  year  in  Babylon,  and  in  Accad,  was  always 
counted  from  the  spring  equinox,  not  from  the  entry  of  the  sun  into  the  constel- 
lation Aries.  They  resort  to  the  expedient  of  decrying  the  authority  and 
reliability  of  the  standard  astrological  work,  of  which  so  many  copies  were 
found  in  Assurbanipal's  library. — See  Sayce's  Hibbert  Lectures,  pp.  48,  397, 
and  Encyclopedia  Bntannica,  Art.  Zodiac. 

69 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGV.  [1896. 

century  succeeded  century,  the  ist  of  Nisan  must  slowly  but  surely 
have  receded  further  from  the  solstice  and  have  approached  more 
and  more  to  the  equinoctial  point. 

In  Accad  therefore,  neither  at  Gudea's  nor  at  any  later  date,  did 
the  year  begin  at  the  winter  solstice,  and  hence  we  can  understand 
why  in  that  state,  and  afterwards  in  Babylon,  Ninib  was  not  as 
highly  honoured  as  in  Lagash,  and  why  he  and  his  consort  Bau 
(=  Gnla)  were  not  referred  to  as  the  deities  presiding  over  the 
lieginning  of  the  year. 

In  a  former  number  of  these  Proceedings*  we  drew  attention  to 
the  Accadian  calendar.  We  there  suggested  that  the  choice  of  the 
first  degree  of  Aries  as  initial  point  of  the  zodiac  was  originally 
made  when  the  winter  solstice  coincided  with  the  sun's  entry  into 
•that  constellation,  i.e.,  about  6000  b.c. 

If  that  suggestion,  and  our  present  one  concerning  the  new 
year's  festival  in  Lagash  are  accepted,  it  will  be  easy  to  imagine  that 
the  Lagash  observance  betokened  a  sort  of  effort  at  reform  of  the 
sidereal  calendar  in  use  in  Accad,  and  it  may  be  elsewhere. 

In  Accad  the  calendar  makers  clung  to  the  originally  instituted 
star  mark  for  the  year,  and  made  it  begin  with  the  sun's  entry  into 
Aries,  therefore  by  degrees  the  beginning  of  their  year  moved  away 
from  the  winter  solstice,  and  in  the  first  century  B.C.  coincided  very 
closely  with  the  spring  equinox. 

In  Lagash,  on  the  contrary,  the  calendar  makers  clung  to  the 
originally  established  season  of  the  year,  and  made  it  begin  at  the 
winter  solstice,  therefore  by  degrees  the  beginning  of  their  year 
moved  away  from  the  constellation  Aries,  and  in  Gudea's  time  the 
new  year's  festival  was  held  in  honour  of  the  goddess  Bau  =  Gula= 
Aquarius. 

*  January,  1S92. 


70 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


A-MUR-RI  OU   A-HAR-RI1 
Par  a.  J.  Delattre,  SJ. 

Dans  une  etude  sur  quelques  letlres  de  Tell  el-Amarna,  publiee 
•dans  les  Proceedings,  en  mars  1891,  nous  avons  ecrit  les  lignes 
suivantes  : 

"  La  principaute  ou  gouvernement  d'Azirou  est  designe  sous  le 
nom  d'A-mu-ri,  A-mu-ur-ra,  A-mur-ri ;  plus  d'une  fois  Azirou  semble 
designer  aussi  son  district  par  le  nom  de  pays  de  Mar-tu.  Tous 
les  assyriologues  savent  que  Martu  est  I'equivalent  d'un  autre  nom 
■qu'on  a  toujours  lu,  A-har-ri,  mais  qu'on  pourrait  aussi  bien  lire  en 
lui-meme  A-mur-ri,  et  qui  est  exprime  par  les  memes  signes  que 
notre  A-mur-ri.  On  s'est  decide  pour  la  lecture  A-har-ri,  en  se 
basant  uniquement  sur  une  etymologic  presumee,  car  je  ne  pense 
pas  qu'il  existe  une  seul  variante  A-/ia-ar-ri,  qui  justifie  la  lecture 
devenue  classique.  Je  sais  bien  que  \ A-mur-ri,  ou  A-mu-ri,  de  nos 
textes  represente  un  district  phenicien,  et  non  toute  la  Phenicie 
comme  \ A-har-ri  des  Assyriens  (c'est-a-dire,  des  assyriologues). 
Mais  il  y  a  une  exception  remarquable  a  cet  usage  dans  la  grande 
inscription  d'Assournazirpal.  Celui-ci  raconte  qu'arrive  au  bord 
•de  la  Mediterranee,  il  regut  le  tribut  des  pays  de  "  Tyr,  Sidon, 
Gebal,  Makhallata,  Maiza,  Kaiza,  A-har-ra-a,  Aradus."  Ici, 
A-har-ra-a,  represente  evidemment  un  canton  particulier  (voir 
notre  travail,  L'Asie  occidentale  dans  les  itiscriptions  assyrie?ines, 
1885,  p.  76);  n'est-ce  pas  celui  dont  Azirou  avait  ete  le  chef,  et 
■ne  faut-il  pas  lire  A-mitr-ra-a  .?" 

J'ai  appris  par  M,  Eb.  Schrader  {Das  West/and  un  das  Land 
Amurri,  dans  les  Sitzungsberichte  de  I'academie  Berlin,  1894, 
p.  1 301)  que  M.  Sayce  avait  defendu  la  meme  idee  dans  \ Academy, 
20  mai  1893. 

Quant  a  M.  Schrader,  il  approuve  naturellement  la  lecture 
Amurri,  justifiee  par  les  variantes,  quand  il  s'agit  de  la  principaute 
d'Azirou.      II  ne  nous  conteste  pas  cette  lecture  dans  le  passage 

71 


Feb.   4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGV.  [1S96. 

cite  d'Assournazirpal.  Mais  il  maintient  la  lecture  A-/iar-ri,  comma 
nom  de  la  Phenicie  ;  il  nie  que  dans  les  lettres  d'Azirou  le  pays  de 
Martu  et  le  pays  d'Amurri  soient  identiques,  comme  le  Martu  et 
le  soi-disant  Aharri  dans  les  inscriptions  de  Babylone  et  de  Ninive. 
M.  Schrader  insiste  sur  ce  que  les  mots  Martu  et  le  pretendu  Aharri 
signifient  I'ouest  dans  les  memes  inscriptions  :  un  tel  role  ne  con- 
viendrait  pas  a  Amurri ;  le  nom  d'une  principaute  si  insignifiante 
ne  serait  jamais  devenu  le  nom  d'un  point  cardinal. 

Je  crois  cependant  que  tout  doit  ceder  devant  un  fait  sur  lequel 
M.  Fritz  Hommel  a  bien  voulu  attirer  mon  attention.  Ce  savant 
a  observe'  que  dans  les  contrats  babyloniens  publics  par  M.  Br. 
Meissner  {Beitnige  zum  Altbahylonischem  Frivatrecht),  un  meme 
terrain  est  nomme,  p.  43,  iigar  A-mn-ur-ri  ki,  et,  p.  6r,  2igar 
Mar-tu,  c'est-a-dire,  le  terrain  de  I'ouest,  d'ou  il  s'ensuit  que,, 
dans  les  documents  assyro-babyloniens,  Amurri  est  bien  le  synonyme 
de  Martu,  meme  comme  expression  du  point  cardinal.  L'equivalence 
des  deux  termes  dans  les  lettres  de  Tell  el-Amarna  devient  ainsi 
evidente  car  la  lecture  A-/iar-ri,  comme  synonyme  de  Martu,  n'a 
jamais  eu  d'autre  soutien  qu'un  rapprochement  avec  a/ior,  le  nom 
de  I'ouest  en  hebreu,  et  ce  soutien  lui  echappe  manifestement. 
Azirou  etait  done  le  chef  du  pays  d'Amurri,  autrement  dit  Martu. 
INIais  comment  expliquer  I'usage  d'Amurri  et  de  Martu  pour  signifier 
I'ouest,  a  Ninive  et  a  Babylone  ?     II  y  a  reponse  a  la  question. 

Le  district  d'Amurri  confinait  a  la  Mediterranee  au  nord  de  la 
ville  de  Simyra  et  du  fleuve  Eleutheros,  actuellement  le  Nahr  el- 
Kebir.  En  effet,  les  vaisseaux  abordaient  au  pays  d'Amurri  {The 
Tell  el-Amarna  Tablets  in  the  British  Museum^  13,  lignes  12-14;. 
44,  lignes  32-36).     Dans  le  texte  cite  d'Assournazirpal,  I'enumeration 

procede  du  sud   au  nord  :    Tyr,  Sidon,  Gebal,   ou    Byblos 

Amurra  (nous  ne  lisons  plus  Aharra),  Aradus.  D'aprfes  les  lettres 
de  Tell  el-Amarna,  la  ville  de  Sumura,  Simyra,  est  I'eternelle  pomme 
de  discorde  entre  Rib-Addou,  prefet  de  Byblos,  et  les  chefs  qui  se 
succedent  au  pays  d'Amurri.  On  peut  s'en  assurer  par  un  coup' 
d'ueil  jete  sur  les  passages  qu'indique  M.  Bezold  a  I'article  Sumura,. 
dans  la  liste  des  noms  propres  a  la  suite  des  textes  du  British 
Museum.  A  certain  moment,  Simyra  est  bloque  sur  terra  par  les 
princes  d'Amurri,  ct  sur  mer  par  les  vaisseaux  d'Aradus  {Der  Thon- 
tafclfiind  von  el-Amarna,  51,  lignes  7-13).  Enfin,  au  nord  de 
Simyra  et  au  sud-est  d'Aradus,  nous  avons  vu,  comme  beaucoup- 
d'autres,  les  vestiges  d'une  anciennc  ville  phenicienne,  aujourd'hui 

72 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

Amrit,  jadis  Marathus,  et  peut-etre  plus  anciennement  encore 
Martu,  ce  qui  supposerait  une  forme  Marat  ou  Marath-os  moiiis 
la  desinence  grecque.  Si  les  lettres  de  Tell  el-Amarna,  a  notre 
connaissance,  ne  parlent  pas  d'une  maniere  certaine  de  vaisseaux 
d'Amurri,  comrae  elles  parlent  des  vaisseaux  d'Aradus,  de  Byblos, 
de  Beyrouth,  et  de  Sidon,  c'est  que,  suivant  une  observation  deja  faite 
par  Strabon,  la  cote  de  Marathus  ne  se  pretait  pas  au  developpement 
d'une  marine,  meme  modeste.  (Voir  la  description  geographique, 
tres  exacte,  de  cette  cote,  Strabon,  XVI,  n,  12,  13,  et  Pline  I'ancien, 
edition  Littre,  V,  xvii,  3,  4.  Cf.  Biideker-Socin,  Palestine  et  Syrie, 
1882,  p.  565-570-) 

Les  princes  d'Amurri  etaient  des  personnages  considerables  en 
comparaison  des  autres  chefs  du  pays  de  Chanaan,  a  I'epoque  dont 
les  lettres  de  Tell  el-Amarna  ont  rappele  le  souvenir.  L'action 
d'Azirou  se  fait  sentir  depuis  la  region  Homs-Baalbek  jusqu'a  Tyr. 
Neanmoins,  en  soi,  I'Amurri  etait  peu  de  chose.  A  la  verite,  il  se 
peut  qu'au  temps  des  plus  anciens  rois  de  Babylonie,  I'Amurri  ait 
eu  plus  d'importance  politique.  Mais  la  celebrite  d'un  peuple 
ne  depend  pas  necessairement  de  sa  puissance.  Qu'y  a-t-il, 
par  exemple,  de  plus  connu  dans  I'antiquite  que  Tyr  avec  son 
insignifiante  banlieue  ?  II  n'est  done  pas  invraisemblable  que,  sans 
avoir  jamais  ete  le  centre  d'un  grand  Etat,  I'Amurri,  ou  Martu,  ait 
assez  occupe  la  pensee  des  Babyloniens  pour  donner  son  nom  chez 
eux  a  un  des  quatre  points  cardinaux.  Voici  probablement  la 
maniere  dont  la  chose  se  fit. 

Les  lettres  de  Tell  el-Amarna  montrent  les  Babyloniens  et  les 
Assyriens  frequentant  le  pays  de  Chanaan  et  I'Egypte.  D'autre 
part,  I'emploi  de  la  langue  assyro-babylonienne  en  Syrie  et  en 
Palestine,  a  I'epoque  de  ces  lettres,  prouve,  quelle  que  soit  I'origine 
de  cet  usage,  que  ces  relations  etaient  assez  anciennes.  Or,  par  le 
chemin  naturel,  les  caravanes  de  Mesopotamie,  apres  avoir  quitt^ 
la  vallee  de  I'Oronte,  aboutissaient  a  la  Mediterranee  precisement 
au  pays  d'Anmrri,  toujours  I'etape  la  plus  remarquable  du  voyage, 
quand  il  n'en  etait  pas  leterme.  Que  ce  fut  la  le  chemin  naturel 
on  va  le  comprendre  par  quelque  lignes  de  M.  Elisee  Reclus 
{NoiiveUe  geographie  tcniverselie,  t.  IX,  p.  692),  qui  semblent  avoir 
ete  ecrites  pour  nous  : 

"  Les  montagnes  des  Ansarieh,  au  sud  d'Antioche,  dressent 
leur  massif  le  plus  eleve  immediatement  au  sud  des  bouches  de 
I'Oronte  :     c'est    le   Casius    ou    Djebel-Akra,    le    '  mont    Chauve ' 

73 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

(1769  metres),  a  la  cime  pyramidale En  se  prolongeant  vers 

le  sud,  les  monts  des  Ansarieh,  composes  en  grande  partie  de  roches 
crayeuses  aux  croupes  faiblement  ondulees,  a  travers  lesquelles 
se  sont  fait  jour  quelques  roches  dioritiques,  n'atteignent  nuUe  part 
a  la  hauteur  du  Djebel-Akra  :  en  plusieurs  endroits,  ils  sont  meme 
inferieurs  a  1000  metres,  tres  penibles  a  franchir  neanmoins,  a  cause 
des  innombrables  ravins  qui  les  decoupent  en  un  vaste  labyrinthe. 
A  I'orient,  I'Oronte  les  separe  des  collines  bordieres  du  desert, 
et  leur  extremite  me'ridionale  est  limitde  par  le  val  du  Nahr  el-Kebir, 
qui  nait,  comme  I'Oronte,  sur  le  versant  oriental  du  Liban  ;  entre 
les  deux  vallees,  on  n'a  qu'a  traverser  un  petit  seuil  de  coteaux." 

A  la  rigueur  nous  pouvions  dire  cela  nous-meme,  puisque  nous 
avons  franchi  le  petit  seuil  de  coteaux  et  failli  mourir  de  faim  dans 
le  labyrinthe.  Nous  avons  donne  la  parole  a  M.  Elisee  Reclus, 
parce  qu'il  decrit  si  bien  les  sites  et  qu'on  ne  le  soupgonnera  pas 
d'avoir  voulu,  coiite  que  coute,  mener  les  Babyloniens  au  pays 
d'Amurri,  dont  il  n'avait  naturellement  aucune  idee  en  1884. 

Dans  toute  la  chaine  du  Liban,  nous  voulons  dire  depuis  la 
vallee  de  I'Eleutheros  ou  Nahr  el-Kebir  jusqu'a  la  plaine  d'Esdrelon, 
les  Babyloniens  eussent  en  vain  cherche  un  passage  aussi  commode. 
Les  Franc^ais  n'avaient  encore  construit  ni  la  belle  route  carrossable, 
ni  le  chemin  de  fer  de  Beyrouth  a  Damas. 

A  un  autre  point  de  vue,  la  cote  de  Marathus  formait  un  point 
remarquable  du  littoral  phenicien.  A  trois  quarts  d'heure  de 
Marathus,  s'eleve  Aradus,  actuellement  Rouad,  un  ilot  de  800  metres 
de  long  sur  500  metres  de  large,  avec  une  echancrure  servant  de 
port,  du  cote  de  la  terre,  a  Test.  Si  les  vaisseaux  d'Aradus,  au 
temoignage  des  lettres  de  Tell  el-Amarna  (British  Museum,  44, 
lignes  12-18),  poussaient  au  sud  jusqu'aux  ports  de  I'Egypte,  on 
peut  bien  croire  qu'ils  visitaient  aussi,  a  I'ouest  et  au  nord,  Chypre, 
I'Asie-Mineure,  les  iles  de  la  mer  Egee.  Pour  commercer  avec  ces 
regions,  Aradus  etait  le  mieux  situe  des  ports  pheniciens.  C'etait 
une  raison  de  plus  pour  les  caravanes  de  Babylonie  et  d'Assyrie 
de  penetrer  au  pays  de  Chanaan  par  la  vallee  du  Nahr  el-Kebir, 
et  de  visiter  Marathus  en  face  d'Aradus. 

La  situation  respective  d'Amurri  et  d'Aradus  explique  parfaite- 
ment  I'alliance  d'Azirou  et  des  Aradiens.  Les  habitants  d'Aradus, 
sur  leur  ilot  sterile  et  sans  autre  eau  que  celle  de  quelques  sources 
sous-marines,  fort  difficile  h  puiscr,  ne  pouvaient  vivre  que  moyennant 
des  possessions  en  terre  ferme  ou  des  relations  amicales  avec  les 

74 


Feb.  4]  FROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

riverains  d'en  face.  II  leur  fallait  aussi,  pour  leur  negoce,  des  points 
d'appui  sur  le  continent  voisin,  ce  que  furent  certainement  a  une 
epoque  plus  recente  Antaradus  et  INIarathus.  Dans  tous  les  cas, 
au  temps  ou  nous  sommes,  il  leur  importait  de  s'entendre  avec 
Azirou.  Celui-ci  d'ailleurs  ne  pouvait  etre  aussi  riche  en  vaisseaux 
que  les  Aradiens.  Aussi  comptait-il  sur  leur  flotte  comme  nous 
I'avons  vu.  (Outre  le  passage  cite  plus  haut,  voir  British  Museum, 
28,  lignes  57-63,  et  notre  traduction  de  cette  piece  dans  les 
Proceedings,  juin  1893,  p.  509-511.) 

La  situation  du  pays  d'Amurri  rend  egalement  compte  de 
I'ardeur  avec  laquelle  ses  chefs,  malgre  les  defenses  du  roi  d'Egypte, 
s'acharnent  a  la  conquete  de  Simyra.  Simyra,  c'etait  la  vallee  du 
Nahr  el-Kebir,  une  des  plus  fertiles  et  des  plus  faciles  a  cultiver  du 
littoral  phenicien.  Arad-Asrati,  ou  plutot  Abd-Asrati,  le  pere 
d'Azirou,  ecrivait  un  jour  au  roi  d'Egypte  qu'il  gardait  pour  son 
suzerain,  c'est-a-dire,  probablement  pour  I'entretien  des  soldats 
egyptiens  en  garnison  au  pays  de  Chanaan,  les  moissons  de  Simyra. 
C'etait  une  fagon  fort  honnete  de  colorer  un  vol  commis  au  preju- 
dice du  voisin.  (Recueil  de  Berlin,  97,  lignes  26-29,  Voir  notre 
traduction  dans  les  Proceedings,  avril  1891,  p,  321.) 

(Note  presentee  pour  les  Proceedings  au  commencement  de 
decembre  1895.  ^f-  Fri^^z  Hommel,  Proceedings,  Janvier  1896, 
p.  17,   18.) 


75 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  UIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1S96. 


LETTRE  DE  LABA  AU  ROI  D'EGYPTE. 

El  A  ma  ma  No.  112  {IVinkkr-Abel). 
Alfred  Boissier. 

Cette  lettre,  fort  interessante  au  point  de  vue  paleographique,  ne 
Test  pas  moins  au  point  de  vue  philoiogique.  Les  signes  de  sarrii, 
de  amclu,  de  am,  de  ka  affectent  des  formes  particulieres  ;  ayant  colla- 
tionne  cette  lettre,  je  me  permets  d'attirer  I'attention  sur  ce  document. 

Le  nom  du  perscnnage  semble  devoir  se  lire  Laba,  ou  Labaia, 
d'apres  les  textes  du  British  Museum  (v.  la  publication  de  Budge  et 
Bezold,  p.  151).  Lui  et  ses  deux  fils  sont  souvent  accuses  par  les 
gouverneurs  d'avoir  mal  agi  envers  le  roi  d'Egypte  et  de  s'etre  re'- 
voltes  contre  lui. 

M.  Halevy  a  donne  une  traduction  de  cette  lettre  dans  le 
Journal  Asiatique,  vol.  xix  (1892),  p.  272;  la  mienne  differe  sur 
plusieurs  points  ;  quoique  je  sois  loin  d'avoir  compris  la  lettre  dans 
son  entier,  je  me  permets  de  presenter  ma  traduction  dans  I'espoir 
qu'elle  interessera  ceux  qui  etudient  les  documents  d'El  Amarna  : — 

1.  Au  roi  mon  maitre  et  mon  soleil 

2.  ton  serviteur  Laba 

3.  la  poussiere  que  tu  foules  (litteral.  la  poussiere  des  semelles 

de  tes  pieds) 

4.  aux  pieds  du  roi  mon  maitre, 

5.  mon  soleil  sept  fois  et  sept  fois  encore 

6.  je  tombe.     J'ai  execute  les  ordres 

7.  (jue  le  roi  m'a  envoyes. 

8.  Suis-je  un  chien  pour  que 

9.  le  roi  perde  son  pays 

10.  a  cause  de  moi.     Voici  je  suis  un  serviteur  loyal 
I  r.  du  roi,  je  n'ai  pas  peche 

12.  je  n'ai  pas  commis  de  faute 

13.  je  n'ai  jamais  refuse  (de  payer)  mes  impots 

14.  je  n'ai  pas  davantage  fait  opposition 

76 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

15.  aux  demandes  de  mon  superieur. 

16.  On  me  calomnie  maintenant,  , 

17.  c'est  la  ruine,  mais  le  roi  mon  maitre  \ 

18.  ne  pensera  (?)  pas  que  c'est  ma  faute. 
19. 

20.  est-ce  ma  faute  ? 

21.  lors  de  mon  entree 

22.  dans  la  ville  de  Gazri 

23.  j'ai  annonce  cela 

24.  chacun  I'a  entendu  ; 

25.  le  roi  peut  s'emparer 

26.  de  ma  vie  et  de  la  vie 

27.  de  Milkili  ; 

28.  mais  connait-il  (le  roi)  la  manit;re  d'agir 

29.  de  Milkili  envers  moi  ? 

3°- 

31.  Le  roi  a  donne  un  ordre  a  I-mu-ia, 

32.  mais  j 'ignore  si 

33.  Imuia  est  parti 

34.  avec  les  brigands  (?) 

35- 

36.  et  ses  (?) 

37.  sont  dans  les  mains  d'Adda  (?) 
38. 

39.  Si  le  roi  m'ordonne  de  lui  envoyer   ma  femme  (pour  son 

harem) 

40.  comment  la   lui    refuserai-je    (litteralement,     comment     la 

retiendrais-je) 

41.  si  a  moi 

43.  le  roi  donne  cet  ordre  : 

43.  mets  un  poignard  de  cuivre 

44.  sur  ton  coeur  et 

45.  meurs  !  comment  n'executerais-je  pas  I'ordre  du  roi. 

Le  passage  le  plus  curieux  de  cette  lettre  est  s^ns  contredit  celui 
oil  le  gouverneur  Laba  declare  que  meme  si  le  ro'  xige  qu'il  lui 
livre  sa  femme,  il  doit  acceder  au  desir  du  roi,  c'ebt  assez  montrer 
les  exigences  du  souverain  de  I'Egypte. 

Ce  passage  se  lit  ainsi  en  assyrien,  1.  38  a  46  :  Kie  suiiiina  ana 
aHatiia  sapar  sarni,  kie  akallidi,  kie  sionina  ana  iasi  sapar  sarni 
liikun  patar  siparri  ina  libbika  11  nut  kie  id  ippusu  sipirti  sarri. 

77  F 


Feb.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGV.  [1S96. 

Notes. 

Dans  un  prochain  article  nous  donnerons  queUjues  details  sur 
Laba,  qui  joua  un  role  important  a  cette  epoquc. 

1  18,  Cette  phrase  est  obscure,  la  forme  verbale  izanniku  em- 
barrasse.  L'assyrien  ne  possede  pas  de  verbes  zanaku,  zanaqu  ;  je 
serais  tente  de  voir  ici  le  verbe  sanaqu,  mais  je  n'ose  donner  una 
ex])lication  de  cette  forme  verbale.  II  est  evident  que  le  sujet  est 
§arru,  arniia  I'objet.  II  y  a  une  meme  tournure  de  phrase  a  la  ligne 
25  :  iltequ  §arru  §almiia,  etc. 

1  31.     II  faut  lire  Imuia  de  preference  a  Turmuia. 


The  next  Meeting  of  the  Society  will  be  held  at  '})'j^ 
Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C.,  on  Tuesday,  3rd 
March,  1896,  at  8  p.m.,  when  the  following  Paper  will  be 
read : — 

Theo.  G.  Pinches,  Assyriological  Gleanings, 


7S 


Feb.  4]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


THE  FOLLO^UVING  BOOKS  ARE  REQUIRED  FOR  THE 
LIBRARY  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 


Members  having  duplicate  copies,  zvill  confer  a  favour  by  presenting  them  to  the 

Society. 

Alker,  E.,  Die  CI    onologie  der  Bucher  der  Koqige  und   Paralipomenon  im 
Einklang  mit  dev  Chronologic  der  Aegypter,  Assyrer,  Babylonier  und  Nieder, 

Amelineau,  Histo^'i^  du  Patriarche  Copte  Isaac, 

— —  Contes  de  I'Egypte  Chretienne. 

^- La  Morale  Egyptienne  qqinze  siecles  avant  notre  ere, 

Ami^UD,  La  Legende  Syriaque  de  Saint  Alexis,  I'homme  de  Dieu. 

A.,  AND  L.  Mechineau,  Tableau  Compare  des  Ecritures  Babyloniennes 

et  Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen  aus  der  Sammlung  der  Papyrus  Erzherzog  Rajner.    2  parts. 


BaeTHGEN,  Beitrage  zur  Semitischen  Religiongeshichte,     Der  Gott  Israels  unci 

die  Gotter  der  Heiden. 
Bl.ASS,  A.  F.,  Eudoxi  ars  Astronomica  qualjs  in  Charta  Aegyptiaca  sqperest, 
Bni'TA,  Monuments  de  Ninive.     5  vols.,  folio,      1S47-1850. 

BRtTGSCH-BEY,    Geographische    Inschriften   Altaegyptische    Denkmaeler,     Vol, 
I— III  (Brugsch), 

-=-= — ' Recueil  de  Monuments  Egyptiens,  copies  sur  lieux  et  publics  pas 

II.  Brugsch  et  J.  DLimichen.     (4  vols.,  and  the  text  by  DUmiclien 
of  vols.  3  and  4.) 
BuDiNGER,    AL,   De    Colonarium    quarundani    Phoeniciarum    primordijs    cum 

Hebraeorum  exodo  conjunctis. 
BuRCKHARDT,  Eastern  Travels. 

Cassel,  Paulus,  Zophnet  Paneach  Aegyptische  Deutungen. 
Chabas,  Melanges  Egyptologiqucs.      Series  I,  III.      1862-1873, 
DiJMicHEN,  Ilistorischc  Inschriften,  &c.,  ist  series,  1867. 

— ■- = ■ 2nd  series,  1869. 

■    Altaegyptische  Kalender-Inschriften,  1886. 

= — ^ —  Tempei-Inschriften,  1862.     2  vols,,  folio, 

EiiF.Rs,    G.,    Papyrus    Ebers. 

Erman,  Papyrus  Weslcar. 

Etudes  Egyptologiqucs.      13  vols.,  complete  to  1880. 

Gavet,  E. ,  Steles  de  la  XII  dynastie  au  Musee  du  Louvre, 

GoLENisCHEFF,  Die  Mettcrnichstelc.     Folio,  1877. 

•  Vingt'quaire  Tablettes  Cappadociennes  de  la  Collection  de, 

(iKA\T-BEV,  Dr.,  The  Ancient  Egyptian  Religion  and  the  Influence  it  exerted 

on  the  Religions  that  came  in  contact  with  it. 
Haupt,  Die  Sumerischen  Familiengesetze. 
IIks^,  Der  Gnostische  Papyrus  von  London. 
Hummel,  Dr.,  Geschichte  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens.     1893. 


Fed.  4]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  AKCII.FOLOGY.  [1896. 

Jastrow,  M.,  a  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  "  Dibbarra  "  Epic. 

Jensen,  Die  Kosmologie  der  Babylonier. 

Jeremias,  Tyrus  bis  zur  Zeit  Nubukadnezar's  Geschichtliche  Skizze  mit  beson- 

derer  Berucksichtigung  der  Keilschriftlichen  Quellen. 
Joachim,  H.,  Papyros  Ebers,  das  Alteste  Buch  iiber  Heilkunde. 
Johns  Hopkins  University.     Contributions  to  Assyriology  and  Comparative 

Semitic  Philology. 
Krebs,  F.,  De  Chnemothis  nomarchi  inscriptione  Aegj'ptiaca  commentatio. 
Lederer,  Die  Biblische   Zeitrechnung   vom   Auszuge   aus   Aegypten   bis   zum 

Beginne  der  Babylonische   Gefan^enschaft  mit   Borichsichiignung  der   Re- 

sultate  der  Assyriologie  und  der  Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain,  Les  Monuments  Egyptiens  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale. 
LefiiBURE,  Le  Mythe  Osirien.     2""^  partie.      "Osiris," 

Legrain,  G.,  Le  Livre  des  Transformations.     Papyrus  d^motique  du  Louvre. 
Lehmann,    Samassumukin   Konig  von    Babylonien   668   vehr,   p,   xiv,    173. 

47  plates. 
Lepsius,  Nubian  Grammar,  &c.,  1880, 
Maruchi,  Monumenta  Papyracea  Aegyptia. 
MiJLLER,  D.  H. ,  Epigraphische  Denkmaler  aus  Arabien. 
NooRDTZiG,   Israel's  verblijf  in   Egypte  bezien  int  licht  der  Egyptische  out- 

dekkingen. 
Pognon,  Les  Inscriptions  Babyloniennes  du  Wadi  Brissa. 
Rawlinson,  Canon,  6th  Ancient  Monarchy. 
RoBlOU,  Croyances  de  I'Egypte  a  I'epoque  des  Pyramides. 

Recherches  sur  le  Calendrier  en  Egypte  et  sur  le  chronologic  des  Lagidcs. 

Sainte  Marie,  Mission  a  Carthage. 

Sarzec,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee. 

Schaeffer,  Commentationes  de  papyro  medicinali  Lipsiensi. 

SCHOUW,  Charta  papyracea  graece  scripta  Musei  Borgiani  Velitris. 

ScHROEDER,  Die  Phtinizische  Sprache. 

Strauss  and  Torney,  Der  Alfagyptishe  Gotterglaube. 

Virey,    p.,    Quelques    Observations    sur    I'Episode    d'Aristee,    h   propos   d'un 

Monument  Egyptian. 
Visser,  I.,  Hebreeuwsche  Archaeologie.     Utrecht,  1891. 
Walther,  J.,    Les  Decouvertes  de  Ninive  et  de   Babylone   au   point  de  vue 

biblique.     Lausanne,  1890. 
WiLCKEX,  M.,  Actenstlicke  aus  der  Konigl.  Bank  zu  Theben. 
WiLTZKE,  De  Biblische  Simson  der  Agyptische  Horus-Ra. 
WiNCKLER,  Huc;o,  Der  Thontafelfund  von  El  Amarna.     Vols.  I  and  II. 

Textbuch-Keiiinschriftliches  zum  Alten  Testament. 

Weissleach,  F.  H,,  Die  Achaemeniden  Inschriften  Zwciter  Art. 

Wesseley,  C,  Die  Pariser  Papyri  des  Fundes  von  El  Fajum. 

Zeitsch,  der  Deutr,:hen  Morgenl.   Gesellsch.,  Vol.   I,    1847  ;    Vols.   IV  to  XII, 

1850  to  1858,  inclusive  ;  Vol.  XX  to  Vol.  XXXII,  1866  to  1878. 
ZiMMEKN,  11.,  Die  Assyriologie  als  Iliilfswissenschaft  fiir  das  Studium  des  Alten 

Testaments, 


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BEING   A 

Complete  Translation,  Commentary,  and  Notes, 

By  p.  LE  page  RENOUF,  Esq.  {President); 

CONTAINING   ALSO 

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Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 


COUNCIL,    1896. 


President, 
P.  LE  Page  Renouf. 

Vice-  Presidents, 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterburv. 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

The  Most  Noble  the  Marquess  of  Bute,  K.T.,  &c.,  &c. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Amherst  of  Hackney. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Halsbury. 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  E,  Gladstone,  M.P.,  D.C.L.,  &c. 

F.  D.  Mocatta,  F.S.A.,  &c. 

Walter  Morrison,  M.P. 

Sir  Charles  Nicholson,  Bart.,  D.C.L.,  M.D,,  &c. 

Rev.  George  Rawlinson,  D,D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 


Council. 


Rev.  Charles  James  Ball,,  M.A. 

Arthur  Gates. 

Rev.  Prof.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  D.D. 

Thomas  Christy,  F.L.S. 

Dr.  J.  Hall  Gladstone,  F.R.S. 

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Alexander  Peckover,  F.S.A. 

Prof.  P.  Pierret. 

J.  Pollard, 

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IIAHKISON    AND   SONS,    PRINTERS    IN    ORDINARY  10    HER    MAJESTY,    ST.    MARTIn's   LANE. 


VOL.  XVIII.  Part  3. 

PROCEEDINGS 

OF 

THE    SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY. 


-^^- 


VOL.  XVIIL     TV^ENTY-SIXTH  SESSION. 

Third  Meetings  March  2,^d,   1896. 


4^ 

CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

P.     Le    Page    Renouf   (President).— Hht   Book   of  the   Dead, 

Notes  to  Chapter  CXXN,  coniimied    81-85 

Rev.  Dr.  M.  Friedlander. — Some  Fragments  of  the  Hebrew 
Bible  with  Peculiar  Abbreviations  and  Peculiar  Signs  for 
Vowels  and  Accents  86-98 

D.   R.   FOTHERiNGHAM,   B.A. — Some  Considerations  regarding 

Professor  Pelrie's  Egyptian  Chronology 99-102 

F.  L.  Griffith. — Note  on  Demotic  Philology „ 103-105 

Joseph  Offord,  Junr. — The  Name  Chaereu 106 

Prof.  Sayce. — Roman  Inscriptions  at  Assuan  107-109 

PUBLISHED  AT 

THE     OFFICES     OF     THE     SOCIETY, 
37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C, 

189  6. 


[No.  cxxxvi.] 


SOCIETY   OF    BIBLICAL   ARCHAEOLOGY, 
37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


TRANSACTIONS 

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A  few  complete  sets  of  the  Transactions  still  remain  for  sale,  which  may  i)e 
obtained  on  application  to  the  Secretary,  W.  H.  Rylands,  F.S.A.,  37,  Great 
Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE     SOCIETY 


OF 


BIBLICAL    ARCHAEOLOGY. 


TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION,     1896. 


Third  Meeting,  2)^d  March,  1896. 
P.  LE  PAGE  RENOUF,  Esq.,  President. 


IN    THE   CHAIR. 


-#o#- 


The    following"    Presents    were    announced,   and    thanks 
ordered  to  be  returned  to  the  Donors  : — 

From  the  Author  : — Notes  sur  les  fouilles  entreprises  dans  la  haute 
vallee  de  rOronte  pour  retrouver  remplacement  de  I'ancienne 
ville  de  Kadech,  par  M.  J.-E.  Gautier.     Paris.     8vo.     1895. 

Extraits   des   Comptes-Rendus    de    I'Acad.    des    Inscrip.    et 
Belles  Lettres. 

[No.  cxxxvi.]  79  G 


Mar.   3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896 

From  the  Publisher : — C.  C.  B.  Mohr.  Freiburg  and  Leipzig. 
Jesu  Muttersprache.  Das  GaUliiische  Aramaisch  in  seiner 
Bedeutung  fiir  die  Erklarung  der  Reden  Jesu  und  der  Evan- 
gelien  iiberhaupt,  von  Lie.  Arnold  Meyer. 

The  following  Candidates  were  elected  Members  of  the 
Society,  having  been  nominated  at  the  last  Meeting,  held 
on  the  4th  February,  1 896  : — 

Mrs.  Freeman  Gell,  27,  Bramham  Gardens,  South  Kensington. 
Edward  John  Pilcher,  49,  Charlwood  Street,  South  Belgravia,  S.W. 

The  following  Candidates  were  nominated  for  election  at 
the  next  Meeting  on  May  the  5th  : — 

F.  L.  Gardener,  Buxton  House,  Chiswick. 

F.  W.  Gilbertson,  Clanrhyd,  Swansea  Vale. 

William  Eugene  Gregson,  Moor  Lane,  Great  Crosby,  W.  Liverpool. 

William  Peek,  F.R.A.S.,  F.R.S.E.,  City  Astronomer,  Observatory 

House,  Calton  Hill,  Edinburgh. 
Rev.  Herbert  Lavallin  Puxley,  Catton  Rectory,  Stamford  Bridge, 

York. 
Rev.  Lonsdale  Ragg,  M.A.,  Vice-Principal  of  Cuddesdon  College, 

Wheatley,  Oxon. 
Rev.  James  Blunt  Wilkinson,  M.A.,  5,  Orme  Square,  Bayswater. 


A  Paper  was  read  by  Theo.  G.  Pinches,  entitled  "Assyrio- 
logical  Gleanings." 

Remarks  were  added  by  Mr.  W.  G.  Thorpe.  Mr.  F. 
Mocatta,  Mr.  Jos.  Offord,  Mr.  P.  R.  Reed,  Mr.  Pinches,  and 
the  President. 


80 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


BOOK   OF   THE    DEAD. 
By  p.  le  Page  Renouf. 


CHAPTER   CXXV. 

Notes. 

21.    JVAo    raisest   thy   voice words    of   Righieousness. 

^^^    I  V  Si)   ^^  ^"  attribute  assigned  to  Isis  in  the  Hymn  to  Osiris 

{line  14)  on  the  Stele  of  Amenemhait  in  the  Biblioth^que  Nationale  ; 
and  it  is  there  further  defined  through  the  addition   of  the   words 

^\     ^^  r-^-^-.         ,  'with  clearness  of  utterance'  {cf.  Ch.  i,  note  2). 

One  of  the  chief  names  of  Isis  is  <:zr>  X  I— J  1  '  Mighty  in  Words  of 

Power.'     She  is  also  described  in  the  Hymn  as  '  Most  potent  of 

tongue  j   1  (1  <:r:>        |  |  and  unfailing  of  speech.'* 

Her  name  Urii  hekait  may  have  suggested  the  name  Urit  as  the 
place  of  her  manifestation.  But  we  do  not  know  if  Urit  is  to  be 
taken  as  the  name  of  a  town  or  if  some  papyri  are  correct  in  reading 

■^^  [1[1       ,  which  may  mean  tribunal. 

There    were   in    ancient    Egypt    six    great    courts    of  justice, 


□ftiSCEE- 


*  Her   son  Horus  inherited   these  gifts.     He  is  invoked  {Aleiternich  Stele, 


'V 


1 1 1 


G    2 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

A  High  Priest  of  Ptah  of  Memphis,  named  Ptahmes,  in  the  early 
part  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  who  was  President  of  these  six  Courts,* 
has  left  a  very  remarkable  attestation  relative  to  the  24th  Precept,  on 
a  beautiful  scribe's  palette  in  basalt  (Louvre,  Inv.^  3026).  The 
inscription,  after  saying  that  the  whole  country  was  subject  to  the 

-^*-    ^    #    I  f?   ^  I 

jurisdiction  of  Ptahmes,  proceeds  ._fU.  ^^-^^"^  <zz>  \\  i-^"^ 

1\       V       l*^!  [v^AAwv^^.     "He  turned  not  a  deaf  ear   to   the 


truth,  through  the  terrors  of  his  Eye ; "  that  is,  "  the  terrors  of  his 
Eye "  were  not  used  for  the  perversion  of  Justice.  But  what  is 
meant  by  his  *'  Eye  "  ?  M.  Pierret  (in  his  Inscf.  inedites  du  Louvre, 
pt.  I,  p.  96)  suggested  the  '  Eye  of  Horus.'     I  think  it  has  reference 

to  the  position  of  Ptahmes  as  "^^^  ^-^^  1 T  T  ^  '      ^^  ^^^ 

'  the   King's  Eye,'  «  /BnfftXewv  6(p9a\ju69,\  and  had  in  consequence, 
an  unlimited  power  of  defeating  justice  had  he  been  so  inclined. 
It    is    only   by   a    blunder^    that   the    papyrus    of  Ani   makes 

111  "^^^  (^^^  nineteenth  Nome  of  Upper  Egypt)  the  scene  of 
the  divine  Babe's  manifestation,  which  is  unquestionably  Heliopolis. 
The  name  of    the  Nome    has  numerous  variants,  but  they  always 

*  Rechmara  filled  this  office  shortly  before  this,  in  the  time  of  Thothmes  III, 
and  the  inscriptions  of  his  tomb  give  interesting  information  of  the  duties  dis- 
charged. His  clerks  are  praised  for  the  virtue  of  discretion  (i8th  Precept). 
Each  heard  the  reports  read  by  others,  but  without  troubling  himself  with  what 
did  not  concern  him.     See  next  note. 

t  This  office  is  often  referred  to  by  Greek  writers  as  existing  in  the  Persian 
hierarchy.  Pseudartabas,  the  '  King's  Eye,'  is  one  of  the  Dramatis  Personse  in 
the  Acharnians  of  Aristophanes.  Herodotus  (i,  114)  tells  how  Cyrus  being 
chosen  king  by  his  playfellows,  selected  his  principal  officers,  and  one  among  the 
boys  to  be  the  '  King's  Eye.'  Aeschylus  does  not  forget  in  his  Persae  (line  976) 
to  make  the  Chorus  bewail  the  loss  of  the  King's  faithful  Eye. 

The  most  ancient  personage  who  is  known  to  me  as  the  '  King's  Eye '  in 
Egypt  is  Antuf,  whose  tablet  (of  the  12th  dynasty)  is  in  the  Louvre  (C.  26).  His 
duties  are  detailed  on  this  magnificent  tablet,  and  they  are  very  similar  to  those 
of  Rechmara.     He  is  described  not  only  as  the  King's   Eyes  which  see,  but 


/^7\A   —     — 


1^ the  "Tongue  which  speaks,  of  the  lord  of 


the  Palace." 

J   I   I     in   cursive  writing   might   be   mistaken  for  or  for    |  |,  and  the 

scribe,  to  show  his  learning,  might  interpolate  the  J ,  but  even  this  might  be  an 


fori, 


82 


or 
name 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [189^^ 

consist  of  two  signs,  a  crooked  staff  (  |  ,  1 ,  f ,    1  I  either  double 
with  a  twisted  cord  (  U  >  I  )  X  ?  fft))   ^"^d  the  final  sound  of  the 

(when  expressed)  is  in  I,  — h — .  The  key  to  the  phonetic  reading 
of  the  name  of  the  Heliopolitan  Nome  is  to  be  found  in  the 
inscription   at    Edfu   (J.   de  Rouge,  Edfou,  pi.  46) ;    |\  /vwwn    j  Q 

"^^  [1  ^    ^    T  '^P^  ^  P"      ^^^^  *^  ^^^^^  °^  ^^^  "^^^^  ^^ 
identified  with  the  crook  znd  flail  ^^\     ^.     l-v:=-^rt'W5-,  (I   V\ 
ams,  1  /\       or  ^^  emsit  of  Osiris,  who   is  called  in  the 

Book   of  the  Dead    {Todt.,    142,   9)  R      °_  %  H  ^^;^   ftl     ,   the 


August  Dismembered*  one  of  the  Powers  of  Annii.  And  this  is  how, 
in  the  important  papyrus  Pc,  we  find  f  «  '  in  Ch.  17  as  the 
equivalent  of  —  1  \\  ^,  a  few  words  after,  in  the  same  papyrus. 
Both  groups  are  to  be  read  amsu  ;  which  means  furnished  with  the 
crook  {or  sceptre^  and  flail,   [  /\    or    y^.f 

22.    ^^^^/>^5%f|2i 

The    Coptic    OTGiUL^^HT,  poenitentiam    agere,  would    be   the 

natural  representative  of   a  ^\    I  ^      '  ^^^  ^^^  meanings  of 

the  terms  cannot  be  the  same.  The  latter  is  expressive  of  a  passion, 
the  indulgence  in  which  may  be  laudable  in  the  gods  and  yet  blame- 
worthy in  men.  For  the  divine  wrath  is  necessarily  just ;  whereas 
human  anger,  even  when  it  seems  to  listen  to  reason,  listens,  as  the 
philosopher  says,  but  imperfectly.  J 

The     2Qth    god,    Kene^nta,  /  ^^         i^A,    has    also    for 


*  The   determinatives   in       '  Xx.  >      '  1    express  the    sense  of  division, 

n    ° 

Sia^tXtff^oe,   and    the    insect    (a    scolopendron)   in      I  exhibits  the   very 


notion  which  has  given  rise  to  the  Latin  insect  a  and  the  Greek  ivrofiov. 
t  For  more  particular  details,  see  P.S.B.A. ,  viii,  p.  245,  and  following. 
+  'Akovhv  Ti  Tov  Xoyov,  -KapaKovtiv  de  :  Ethic.  Nich.,  viii.  7- 

83 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1S96. 


determinative  the  sign    J\  of  a  cynocephalus.     This  is   explained 

by  his  identity  with  the  constellation  which  occupies  the  whole 
month  of  Thoth  in  the  list  of  the  Decans.     But  though  the  name 

means    'in  Ape  form,'    the    word  ^^^^^  \a\   in    the    Pyramid 

Texts  (Pepi  i,  408,  and  Merira  579)  is  used  in  the  sense  of  'vested,' 
'  clad,'  perhaps  simply  '  covered.' 

Brugsch  has  identified  the  locaUty  Kenemit  with  the  Great  Oasis 
at  Khargeh.  It  may  be  asked  if  the  Oasis  bore  this  name  at  the 
time    when     this     chapter    was     composed.       The    determinative 

^   II  <  proves  nothing  beyond   the  actual  sense  of  the  word,  but  it 

suggests  that  the  Dark  may  be  a  sufficient  translation.  From  the 
etymology  I  should  like  to  assimilate  it  to  the  TroiKiXel/iwv  vh^  of  the 
Prometheus  Vinctus,  or  to  the  '  furvo  circumdata  peplo  '  of  the 
Latin  poet. 


J\     I  * 

24.  Another  intelligible  reading  of  the  precept  is,  "I  rob  not  the 

dead  of  their  wrappings  "  ;  but  the  text  is  so  corrupt  that  none  of  the 
readings  are  of  any  value. 


23.    Of  inconstatit  mind, 


The  god  is  called     O    UU  \>  §7)  OM  '  ®  -^^^^^  m  gA ,    both  of 

which  words  I  understand  in  the  sense  of  busy-?ninded,  planriing, 
devising,  crafty,  wise. 

The  appellative  Horned  one,  ^:37  -4M  \\  ^  A^  >  of  the  next 

precept,  is  the  exact  equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  □"'3^(7  vi^S.  ^.nd  is 
the  attribute  of  Osiris  {Todt.,  144,  4),  especially  in  the  character 
of   y  as;.-^    fp  ;   under  which  name  he  was  worshipped  at  Sutenhunen. 


215.  Noisy  in  speech  "^^^  1  ^^^  ^"^  f\  5A  • 

26.  Striker  [  V  [  [  ^y\ .      A  name  of  Horus,  on  which  see  ch. 


103,  note, 

27.  There  is  no  locality  about  which   there  is  any  agreement 
between  the  older  papyri,  and  many  of  them  omit  the  mention  of  a 

locality  ;   later  authorities,  like  the  Turin  text,  read  111      Antiu. 


28.  No  unjust  preferences,  s=3  [|[1  U^  ^^^^.     There  is  no  virtue 

84 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

more  frequently  extolled  on  the  funereal  monuments  than  the 
absence  of  favouritism.  Great  personages  in  their  epitaphs  are  strong 
in  their  declarations  that  they  made  no  distinction  between  great 
and  small,  rich  or  poor,  wise  or  simple.     The  declaration  of  Ameni 


is  a  type  of  many  others. 

29.  Of  raised  head,  &-=^  ^  ,-^^^  \  /?  >  or  (B.M.  QQ71) 
&-=^  ^ .     This,  like  the  last  two,  is  a  name  of  the  Nile  god, 

who  is  one  of  the  manifestations  of  Osiris. 

29.    Who  liftest  an  artn,   |\  q,  not  '  amener  son  bras.'      |\  ,  like 

the  Greek  (jiipeiv,  means  bear  in  the  sense  of  holding  up,  supporting. 
\Vhen  it  signifies  bring  the  collateral  notion  of  inotio?i  is  imported 

from  the  context.      The  god  Shu,  who  is  called    A  p=^  ,  holds  tip, 

supports,  the  sky,  but  does  not  bring  it.    The  god  who  holds  up  his  arm, 

is  of  course  the  ithyphallic  Amon  *  iT  ,  who  in  Ch.  1 7  is  identified 

not  only  with  Horus  but  with  Osiris. 

*  There  is  no  such  god  as  Min  or  Minn,  except  as  an  abbreviated  (or 
perhaps  primitive)  orM(?^;-rt;?/nV  form  of /iw«?«.  v\  J^  and    1  ifll  bear  to 

/WV«AA   _Z1  1  (L!l    \   li 

(1  ™  exactly   the   same   relationship   that     I  ^ ,  /wwv^  w"  j  11  eJl  > 

!  .■•■v."    i_i  I  i::^      V         — H —    U  lii 

luve  to  [1    I  ^ ,  (I  ,vwws  W  and  [  |1  cnM  • 

Neither  Amen  nor  the  shorter  form  can  be  the  phonetic  equivalent  of  ^  N>     . 

The  image  of  Horus  with  the  Flail  at  Edfii  is  described  (J.  de  Rouge,  pi.  C.  1 1 1)  a.s 

W^    / ^"eT"'  0  J  Horus  as  Amsu-Amen,  and  I  have  elsewhere  quoted 


from    Tempel  insch.,  T,  32,  the  v^^    1  M  Amsu-  Afen  [or  Amen]  as  well  as 
Amsu  Uoj-Ms. 


vy- 


85 


Mar.   3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.l-:OLOGY.  [1896. 


SOME  FRAGMENTS  OF  THE  HEBREW  BIBLE  WITH 
PECULIAR  ABBREVIATIONS  AND  PECULIAR 
SIGNS    FOR    VOWELS    AND    ACCENTS. 

Rev.  Dr.  M.  Friedlander. 

Postbiblical  Hebrew  writings  abound  in  abbreviations,  and  some 
books  have  thus  been  reduced  to  half  their  bulk.  Students  of 
Hebrew  literature  do  not  experience  much  difficulty  in  reading 
and  understanding  such  texts.  Occasionally,  however,  abbreviations 
lead  to  some  misunderstanding,  because  the  reader  does  not  always 
guess  what  the  writer  expected  him  to  supply.  Instances  of  this 
kind  are  ^"U^l  and  ^"n,  which  were  read  Rabbi  Sh'lomoh  Yarhi  and 
Targum  Jonathan  instead  of  Rabbi  Sh'lomoh  Yitshaki  and  Targum 
Yerushalmi.  A  more  ancient  instance  of  ambiguity  caused  by 
abbreviations  we  find  in  the  Mishnah,  Maaser  sheni  iv,  11.  If  a 
vessel  be  found  marked  with  one  of  the  letters  p,  Jn  or  J2,  the 
contents  of  such  vessel  must  accordingly  be  treated  as 'j^'np,  "rin 
offering,"  n?3Tin'  "  heave-offering,"  or  llZ^i?^,  "  tithe."  Rabbi  Jose, 
however,  is  of  opinion  that  these  letters  indicate  the  name  of  the 
owner.  A  letter  that  represents  a  whole  word  is  called  "  notaricon  " 
(Mishnah  Shabbath  xii,  5),  Siman  =  n/nijctov  (Sifre  on  Deut.  xxvi,  8). 
In  the  Talmud  we  meet  frequently  with  such  abbreviations.  Were 
there  copies  of  the  Bible  that  contained  words  in  an  abbreviated 
form  ?  Some  deviations  in  the  ancient  translations  of  the  Bible 
from  the  Masoretic  text  suggest  the  idea  that  such  copies  existed  ; 
and  attempts  have  been  made  to  explain  and  alter  some  difficult 
passages  of  the  Masoretic  text  in  accordance  with  this  view.  It  is 
nevertheless  unlikely  that  copyists  made  extensive  use  of  abbrevia- 
tions. With  regard  to  the  Pentateuch  it  is  certain  that  copies  for 
public  use  required  HDn  Hl'^nD,  "  perfect  writing,"  perfect  as 
regards  the  form  of  each  letter,  and  perfect  that  nothing  was  to  be 
omitted.  The  same  applies  to  the  book  of  Esther,  and  to  the 
sections  of  the  Pentateuch  contained  in  the  mezuzah  and  in  the 
tefillin.     If  there  existed  copies  of  the  Bible  with  abbreviations  they 

86 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

were  probably  contrary  to  the  existing  custom,  and  on  that  account 
less  trustworthy.  Important  for  this  question  is  a  discussion  recorded 
in  Talmud  B.  Yoma  37b,  in  reference  to  the  golden  tablet  presented 
by  Queen  Helena  of  Adiabene  to  the  Temple  in  Jerusalem.  On 
this  tablet  two  verses  (Num.  v,  21,22)  were  written,  and  it  was 
intended  to  serve  as  a  guide  for  the  priest  when  he  had  to  write 
these  verses  in  accordance  with  Num.  v,  23.  There  existed,  how- 
ever, a  rule  not  to  copy  small  passages  {nigiUin)  of  the  Torah,  and 
in  order  to  reconcile  the  inscription  on  the  golden  tablet  with  this 
rale  two  explanations  were  offered  :  {a)  the  inscription  was  written 
Jn^2  ri7i^^,  i.e.,  by  letters,  so  that  of  each  word  only  one  letter  was 
written  (Rashi) ;  {b)  I^TT^'DI-,  "  ^^ith  omissions,"  i.e.,  having  the  first 
two  or  three  words  of  each  verse  in  full  and  the  remaining  words  in 
an  abbreviated  form  (Rashi).  The  priest  was  expected  to  know  the 
passage  by  heart,  or  almost  by  heart ;  otherwise  such  a  tablet  would 
have  been  useless  to  him.  At  all  events  it  is  evident  from  these 
explanations  that  the  method  of  writing  parts  of  the  Bible  in  the 
above  manner  was  well  known  in  the  time  of  the  Talmud,  and  seems 
also  to  have  been  know^n  to  Rashi.  Was  a  whole  book  or  the  whole 
Bible  ever  written  in  this  shorthand  form  ?  Dr.  A.  Neubauer  called 
attention  in  the  Jezv is h  Quarterly  Jieviezu  {]an\i2ixy,  1895)  to  some 
fragments  of  this  kind  found  in  Egypt  and  acquired  by  the  Bodleian 
Library ;  other  fragments  have  since  been  added.  I  examined  these 
fragments  and  discovered  in  them  a  hitherto  unknown  system  of 
signs  for  vow^els  and  accents.  All  these  fragments  may  be  divided 
into  three  groups  : — 

A.  Ez.  xl,  4-xli,  16  and  Exod.  xxiii,  14-22  ;  xxvi,  12-19. 

B.  Exod.  iii,  8-ix,   10;    xi,    i-xii,    18;    xviii,    i6-xix,    16;  and 

xxvi,  31-xxviii,  3. 

C.  Is.  V,  8-vii,  10  ;  and  xlv,  20-xlviii,  11.* 

A.  The  first  piece  Ez.  xl,  4-xli,  16  is  written  in  short  lines,  each 
page  consisting  of  two  columns.  The  text  is  running  on  and  the  new 
verse  begins  immediately  after  the  last  word  of  the  preceding  verse, 
though  in  the  middle  of  the  line.  There  are  no  Masoretic  notes 
whatever;  the  signs  for  vowels  and  accents  are  the  ordinary  ones, 
except  that  long  u  ^  is  marked  by  three  dots  like  shiirek,  and  that 
the  accent  zarka  has  the  same  form  as  it  has  in  the  Yemen  MSS. 
Of  every  verse  the  first  word  is  written  in  full,  and  of  the  rest  of  the 

*  A  specimen  of  each  fragment  is  given  in  Appendix  A. 
S7 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGV.  [1S96. 

verse  only  the  tonesyllable  of  each  word  is  given  with  vowel  and 
accent :  pesik  and  makkefzixe  marked  even  when  the  letter  immediately 
preceding  is  absent:  e.g.,  "Sl="7^i;  I  !l  =  I  D.'^D.D-  There  are 
several  exceptions  :  instead  of  the  first  word  of  the  verse  the  first 
two  or  three  are  given  in  some  cases  ;  also  in  the  middle  of  a  verse 
a  word  is  occasionally  written  in  full.  In  a  few  instances  the  cause 
of  this  irregularity  is  apparent ;  the  writer  desired  to  prevent  mis- 
understanding ;  but  in  most  cases  this  cannot  be  the  cause  of  the 
exception.  Later  on  in  the  description  of  the  next  fragment  this 
[)oint  will  be  fully  explained.  There  are  a  few  instances  in  which  the 
tonesyllable  is  given  together  with  the  vowels  of  the  preceding 
syllable,  without  the  consonant;  ^.e-,  ^  ~  H^^^;  Hi  —  "VlWl'' 
1^  —  ^^5'^_3^'1;  in  Others  the  tonesyllable  is  only  represented  by  vowel 
and  accent,  whilst  of  the  toneless  syllable  the  consonant  is  given;  e.g., 
r) ,  ^^  nn3  >  ^     —  'Vy^'^  •     There  is  also  an  instance  of  a  whole 


word  being  represented  by  the  accent ;  viz.,     n        =  DTl):^  T172i^- 

-         <  -    -  <.-r    - 

On  the  whole  the  fragment  agrees  with  the  Masoretic  text;  there  are 

only    a    few     exceptions  :     D^^rilp     for   airitlj;    Tl^T^    for   nS!^l 

(Comp.  Est.  i,  6),  rlD)  for  TlB72^  (xl,  10);  71172^  for  H"!^-  The 
second  fragment  of  the  first  group,  Ex.  xiv,  11  s^^.  and  xxvi,  12  s^^. 
differs  from  the  first  in  two  points  :  First,  each  verse  begins  a  new 
line  ;  the  same  is  the  case  of  all  the  fragments  of  the  second  and 
third  groups.  Exceptionally,  when  a  very  short  verse  is  followed  by 
a  fairly  long  one,  the  second  verse  begins  in  the  f)receding  line.  In 
some  cases,  when  the  copyist  made  a  miscalculation,  and  has  not 
sufficient  space  in  the  line  lor  the  whole  verse,  the  last  part  of  the 
verse  is  placed  over  or  under  the  line  at  the  left  hand  side.  Generally 
the  writer  endeavoured  to  have  a  line  for  a  verse,  and  when  the  verse 
is  short,  only  few  words  are  abbreviated.  The  longer  the  verse  is, 
the  smaller  is  the  number  of  words  written  in  full.  The  first  frag- 
ment was  i^robably  copied  from  a  IMS.  written  in  this  way,  a  line  for 
each  verse ;  the  copyist  with  an  original  of  this  kind  before  him 
forgot  that  he  wrote  in  a  different  style,  and  retained  the  words, 
which,  only  for  a  certain  reason — to  fill  the  line — were  written  in  the 
original  in  full ;  the  fact  that  he  mechanically  copied  from  another 
MS.  seems  also  evident  from  other  circumstances,  e.g.,  for  the  original 
O,,..  ~   n05  ^^  wrote  ..  r)-     Secondly,  a  few  traces  of  the  Masora 

88 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

are  to  be  noticed  in  this  fragment ;  the  notes  are  not,  as  is  usually 
the  case,  in  the  margin,  but  in  the  body  of  the  page  over  the  letter, 

viz.,  n'l'^D,  Ex.  xxvi,  1 2,  is  marked  y ;  it  is  hapax  legomenofi  : 
xxvi,  13,  iip^P  is  marked  3,>  there  being  only  two  instances  of  the 
word  in  the  absolute  state  ;  ^'Ht^^  {ibid.)  has  y  to  indicate  that  the 
word  TTTb^  with  the  prefix  ^  occurs  three  times,  and  n^^h?  (ver.  16) 
is  marked  772 ,  referring  to  the  presence  of  vau  in  the  word. 

B.  The  Second  Group.  This  group  is  distinguished  from  the 
first  by  one  characteristic :  the  vowel  O  has  two  different  signs, 
according  as  it  occurs  in  the  middle  of  a  word  written  in  full  or 
almost  in  full,  or  in  a  syllable  that  represents  a  whole  word.  In  the 
former  case  it  is  expressed  by  the  ordinary  sign  for  holem,  in  the 
latter  case  by  the  three  dots  over  the  letter  {C^.  The  accent  segol, 
which  is  likewise  superlinear  and  has  the  same  form,  is  inverted  in 
this  fragment  (s^).  There  are  only  a  few  exceptions  from  this  rule, 
that  the  ordinary  sign  for  hole?H  occurs  in  abbreviations,  and  the 
three  dots  in  words  written  in  full.  A  plausible  reason  can  be  given 
for  some  of  these  exceptions,  whilst  others  seem  to  be  due  to 
mere  carelessness  or  indifference  on  the  part  of  the  copyist ;  e.g., 

2p5;i  and  •'i'^  =  'i"^tL"'n3  •    The  difference  in  the  form  of  the  holem 

does  not  appear  to  affect  the  pronunciation  or  the  meaning  of  the 
word,  and  the  question  may  naturally  be  asked  why  a  second  form 
of  /loletn  was  introduced.  The  ordinary  sign  for  holem  is  identical 
with  that  of  rebia.,  so  that  the  one  may  easily  be  taken  for  the  other, 
especially  when  only  one  letter  is  given  of  the  whole  word.  In  order 
to  prevent  misunderstanding,  a  different  sign,  or  rather  one  borrowed 
from  another  system,  was  introduced.  The  Masoretic  notes,  which 
are  more  numerous  than  in  the  first  fragment,  are  given  in  the 
margin.  They  deviate  but  little  from  the  Masora  in  the  ordinary 
editions  of  the  Bible,  e.g.,  'TD^  —  ^  instead  of  i,  and  the  difference 
may  be  due  to  an  error  on  the  part  of  the  copyist.  Noteworthy  is 
the  dagesh  in  the  hvned  oi  the  word  J^>5  (iii,  19,  iv,  i),  for  the  sake 
of  emphasis.  In  the  margin  the  beginning  of  the  Sedra  is  indicated 
by  the  letter  q  to  which  a  second  letter  is  added  indicating  the 
number  of  the  Sedra.  Ex.  iv,  18  is  marked  ''yj;  vi,  2,  ^b^  vii,  8, 
7VD'^  viii,  16,  'iij;  xi,  i  begins  again  with  0  (probably  for  first  Sedra); 
so  also  xix,  7  ;  xxvi,  31,  HD-    It  is  possible  that  Exodus  was  divided 

89 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/KOLOGY.  [1896. 

into  four  or  five  sections,  each  of  which  was  subdivided  into  sedras, 
and  that  the  division  refers  to  the  triennial  course  for  the  public 
reading  of  the  Pentateuch. 

C.  The  Third  Group.,  consisting  of  two  fragments  of  Isaiah. 
These  differ  from  those  already  described  in  two  points  :  {a)  they 
contain  a  peculiar  system  of  signs  for  vowels  and  accents  ;  let  us 
call  it  the  Palestinian  system  ;  {b)  the  method  of  shortening  the 
words  is  different  from  that  employed  in  the  other  fragments. 

(fl-.)  Voiuels."^ — The  signs  for  vowels  are  the  following  :  J* 
(kamets),  ^  (pathah),  ^  (segol),  "^  (tsere),  ^  (hirek),  ^  (holcm), 
and  J*  (shurek).  All  these  signs  are  superlinear.  Two  of  them 
consist  of  a  small  line,  a  perpendicular  one  (kamets),  and  a  horizontal 
one  (pathah).  All  other  vowels,  viz.,  i,  e,  e,  ei  and  also  u  are 
represented  by  a  pair  of  dots,  and  are  distinguished  from  each  other 
by  the  relative  position  of  the  two  dots  to  each  other,  the  second 
dot  being  placed  exactly  over  it,  or  slantingly  to  the  right,  or  to  the 
left,  or  beside  it  in  a  horizontal  line  ;  holem,  being  considered  the 
strongest  and  fullest  vowel,  in  accordance  with  the  meaning  of  the 
name  holem  (  —  "strength"),  is  represented  by  three  dots  in  form  of 
a  segol.  This  arrangement  classifies  shurek  in  one  group  with  i,  c, 
ei,  and  thus  seems  perhaps  to  imply  that  the  originators  of  the 
system  pronounced  shurek  like  the  French  u,  or  the  German 
modified  ii.  Long  kamets  and  short  kamets  were  pronounced  alike, 
and  were  accordingly  expressed  by  one  and  the   same  sign,  e.i:;., 

pj^ii")  =  Pli^^l ;  D"1D,"73,  =  D'm^-  How  kamets  was  pronounced 
is  not  quite  certain,  but  it  is  certain  that  it  was  unlike  pathah  as 
the  difference  between  the  signs  of  these  two  vowels  (sa  s^)  is 
greater  than  in  the  other  systems.  No  vowel  is  represented  by  one 
dot,  this  sign  being  reserved  for  the  accents.  There  is  no  sign  for 
sheva  ;  sheva  viobile  has  become  in  this  system  a  short  vowel  (i,  e  or  a), 

e.g..,  "i")^1  =  "I"!''")-     The  presence  or  absence  of  dagesh  is  indicated 

by  a  semicircle  over  the  letter,  in  two  different  positions,  with  the 
opening  on  the  right  hand  side  or  downwards  ;  the  former  indicates 
the  presence  of  dagesh  (w^),  the  latter  (J*)  its  absence;  only  in  one 
case  the  dagesh  is  marked  in  the  ordinary  way,  by  a  dot  in  the 
middle    of    the    letter,    namely    in    the    case    of   mappek   he,    e.g.^ 

*  A  synopsis  of  the  vowel  signs  of  the  three  systems  is  given  in  Appendix  C. 

90 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

pfS  =  nS-      It   is  noteworth}^    that    aleph    has    occasionally   the 

ordinary  sign  of  rafeh  or  absence  of  dagesh,  and  we  assume  there- 
fore that  aleph  had  perhaps  two  different  sounds,  as  is  the  case  with 
the  letters  n  D  3  T  :i  1- 

{b)  Accents. — The  signs  for  the  accents  are  of  the  same  simple 
arrangement  as  those  for  the  vowels.  The  system  includes  only  four 
signs  for  disjunctive,  and  four  signs  for  conjunctive  accents ;  namely 

rcbi'a  {^\  tipha  (^  =  ^),  tebhir  (s^  =  ^),  pashta  ({^  =    't^  or  ^    ), 

p 

j/iunah  {^  =  ^),   mercha  (^  =  j.^),  telisha  ketatiah  (^  =      jj^)  and 

< 
kadma  (^  =  ^  ).     A  single  dot,  according  as  it  is  placed  over,  in, 

< 

or  under  the  letter,  represents  rebi^a,  tipha.,  or  tebhir ;  two  points,  in 

a  horizontal  line,  are  pashta  ;  of  the  conjunctive  accents  three  are 

< 
sulilinear  :     munah  (^),    mercha  (j»^),  and  telisha  (^),  kadma  (^  ) 

alone  is  superlinear ;  besides  these  signs  there  is  one  for  pesik 
(>5  ==  1^))  separating  two  words,  joined  by  a  conjunctive  accent, 
and  for  makkef  a  horizontal  line  between  two  words,  the  first  of 
which  is  toneless.  Athnah  and  sofpasuk  are  not  represented  in  this 
system.  Athiiah  and  sof-pasnk,  as  the  signs  for  the  chief  pauses,  are 
expected  to  be  known  by  the  reader,  even  if  they  are  entirely 
omitted.  Besides,  tiphah  is  the  forerunner  of  these  two  accents ;  in 
each  line  or  verse,  almost  identical  in  this  fragment,  the  first  tipha  is 
followed  by  athnah.,  the  second  by  sofpasuk;  if  a  word  stands 
between  tipha  and  the  pause,  that  word  has  munah  or  mercha. 
Tiphah.,  tebhir,  pashta.,  mercha,  and  telisha  correspond  exactly  to  the 
same  accents  in  the  Tiberian  system  ;  of  the  remaining  three  each 
one  represents  two  or  more  accents  of  the  ordinary  system. 

The  two  sets  of  signs,  that  of  the  vowels  and  that  of  the  accents, 
are  part  of  one  and  the  same  scheme  ;  the  author  of  the  one  must 
be  the  author  of  the  other.  For  all  the  variations  in  the  position  of 
one  dot  occur  only  in  the  system  of  accents,  whilst  all  the  possible 
variations  of  tw^o  dots  indicate  only  vowels — with  one  exception — 
viz.,  the  sign  for  shurek  is  also  the  sign  for  pashta.  The  apparent 
exception  may  be  explained  as  follows  :  The  two  dots  representing 
pashta  were  perhaps  placed  over  the  letter  a  little  to  the  left,  like 
the  sign  for  pashta  in  the  Tiberian  system,  and  pashta  was  thus 
distinguished  by  its  position  from  the  vowel  shurek ;  subsequently, 
however,   copyists   neglected    this  distinction,    and    the    two    signs 

91 


Mak.   3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

became  identical.  But  even  then  it  would  seem  strange,  that  the 
author  of  this;  system  could  not  find  a  new  sign  ior  pashta,  and  keep 
to  the  above  distinction  between  the  signs  for  accents  and  those  for 
vowels.  We  conclude  therefore  that  this  fragment  contains  a 
modified  and  amplified  form  of  the  original  simple  system.  Originally 
there  were  only  four  signs  for  accents:  three  disjunctive,  tip/ia,  tebhir, 
and  rehhi''a ;  and  one  sign  for  all  conjunctive  accents,  namely,  a 
perpendicular  under  the  letter.  In  course  of  time  it  was  found 
necessary  successively  to  give  special  signs  to  fashia,  telisha,  and 
kadma,  and  to  distinguish  between  menka  and  nmna/i.  These 
additions  were  made  irrespective  of  the  original  plan  ;  hence  the 
seeming  absence  of  plan  and  unity.  Comparing  this  system  with 
the  Tiberian,  we  notice  two  s'gns  that  occur  in  both  :  mujiah  i^) 
and  rebhVa  (^) ;  the  former  representing  two  different  accents  in  the 
two  systems,  the  latter,  though  denoting  the  same  accent  in  both,  is 
in  the  Palestinian  system  of  a  more  comprehensive  character.  Did 
the  author,  or  the  authors,  of  the  Palestinian  system  know  the  other 
two  systems?  The  fragment  before  us  does  not  betray  any  such 
knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  authors.  When  special  signs  were 
wanted  for  mercha  and  pashta^  these  would  have  been  selected  from 
the  signs  of  the  other  two  systems,  if  they  were  known  to  the 
authors.  As  this  was  not  done,  it  follows  that  either  the  two  other 
systems  did  not  exist  at  all  at  the  time,  or  at  least  were  not  yet 
generally  known.* 

(/;.)  The  second  peculiarity  of  this  fragment  is  the  peculiar 
method  of  abbreviating  the  text.  The  first  word  of  the  verse 
is  written  in  full,  the  rest  of  the  verse  is  given  only  by  siinanim, 
which  do  not,  as  in  the  other  fragments,  consist  exclusively  of  the 
tonesyllables,  nor  are  they  rashe  tebhoth,  the  initial  syllables  of  the 
word ;  but  only  such  syllables  were  selected  as  seemed  to  the 
copyist  most  characteristic  of  the  words.  Nor  are  all  the  words  of 
the  verse  rej^resented ;  whilst  accentless  words  are  regularly  repre- 
sented by  a  letter  with  the  sign  of  fuakkef,  words  with  aihnah  and 
sqf-pasuk  and  other  weighty  words  are  frequently  absent.  In  some 
cases  two  or  more  syllables  of  a  word  are  given,  probably  where, 
according  to  the  judgment  of  the  scribe,  a  mistake  on  the  part  of  the 
reader  was  anticipated,  in  respect  to  vowel,  accent,  or  dagesh  and 

*  A  synopsis  of  the  signs  for  the  accents  of  the  three  systems  is  given  in 
Appendix  B. 

92 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

rafeh:  e.g.,  in  the  verse  Is.  xlv,  21*  "nil^  and  ^\y^'^  are  not 
represented  at  all ;  of  every  other  word  the  tonesyllable  is  given  ; 
of  ^lVy^_  the  first  two  syllables  were  added  to  the  tonesyllable,  in 
order  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  Nifal  form  of  the  word  ;  an  extra 
syllable  has  for  a  similar  reason  been  added  to  the  tonesyllable  of 
J^'^Dtpn  and  n"l3>rT-  In  v,  27  there  are  three  instances  of  an 
accenriess  syllable  representing  the  word  :  r^y  (^r)  '7ti?3(  5)  ''^i'»d 
V^V2(i^i)-  "^  °  ^^^  scribe  these  syllables  seemed  more  characteristic 
of  the  words  than  the  tonesyllables.  The  Tetragrammaton  is  as  a 
rule  read  adonai.     Six  words  of  this  verse  are  not  represented. 

What  was  the  object  of  writing  these  abbreviations  ?     Was  it  to 

replace  the  complete  Bible?    Under  what  circumstances?    Although 

the  copying  of  the  Bible,  or  at  least  the  Pentateuch,  was  considered 

a  religious  duty  for  every  Israelite,  copies  of  the  Bible,  or  of  Biblical 

books,  were  not  in  superabundance,  and  were    not   found   in  the 

house  or  in  the  hands  of  every  Israelite.      In  every  synagogue  and 

Beth  hammidrash  there  was  probably  kept  at  least   one  complete 

copy  for  the  use  of  the  public  and  for  the  guidance  of   copyists. 

But  copies   of   parts   of  the  Bible  in  an  abbreviated  form  could 

easier  be  prepared  in  larger  numbers ;  pupils  of  the  schools  might 

have  had  such  copies  for  the  purpose    of  repeating  at  home  what 

they  had  learnt  in  school.     Official  readers  in  the  synagogue  could 

in  this  way  repeat  and  practice  the  correct  reading,  without  each 

time  resorting  to  a  complete  copy  of  the  Torah  or  Bible ;  such 

copies   were   also    convenient   for   another  reason :    they   did   not 

require  the  great  care  which  the  holiness  of  the  Bible,  and  especially 

the  Torah,  demanded;  when    torn,   they   could   be  thrown   away; 

mistakes    could    be    corrected    in    any    number,    without    requiring 

genizah  as  pasul,  i.e.,  unfit  for  public  use.     Another  circumstance 

might  also  have  favoured  the  preparation  of  abbreviated  Bibles  :  1 

mentioned   already  the    rule  that  Biblical   books  were    not  to  be 

written  piecewise ;  even  for  the  use  of  pupils  a  whole  book,  or  at 

least  a  complete  section  of  a  book,  had  to  be  written  at  a  time, 

whilst  a  copy  in  the  abbreviated  form  was  not  restricted  in  any  way 

as  to  its  length.     Biblical  books  of  this  kind,  it  may  be  suggested, 

were  also  used  by  copyists  and  punctators  as  a  help  or  guide  in 

their  professional  work.     But  the  last  mentioned  fragment  would,  in 

*  See  Appendix  A. 
93 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII/EOLOGY.  [1S96. 

consequence  of  the  method  adopted  for  the  abbreviations,  be  least 
suitable  for  the  purpose  ;  for  not  all  writers  experience  the  same 
difficulty,  whilst  in  this  fragment  the  omissions  and  the  selection  of 
syllables  depended  entirely  on  the  facility  or  difficulty  in  reading 
which  this  particular  writer  experienced.  Not  so  the  first  two  groups 
of  fragments.  In  these  no  word  is  wanting ;  the  tonesyllable  is 
regularly  given  ;  they  would  therefore  have  served  also  this  purpose. 
But  where  are  all  these  copies  ?  As  they  were  not  considered  as 
holy,  and  did  not  require  HPi^j  they  were  thrown  away  or 
destroyed  when  no  longer  wanted.  It  may  also  be,  that  in  order  to 
show  that  such  copies  were  different  from  the  ordinary  copies  of  the 
Scriptures,  the  copyists  did  not  use  the  ordinary  signs,  and  where 
these  appear,  they  seem  to  have  been  employed  accidentally.  The 
second  group  of  fragments  betrays  a  knowledge  of  the  third  or 
Palestinian  system  in  addition  to  the  Tiberian  one,  in  the  double 
form  of  the  vowel  o,  and  shows  also  that  in  the  mind  of  the  copyist 
the  third  system  was  somehow  connected  with  abbreviations. 

It  seems  therefore  that  these  signs  for  vowels  and  accents,  as  we 
have  them  in  the  third  group  of  fragments,  were  not  only  arranged 
independently  of  the  Tiberian  system,  but  even  before  the  birth  of 
the  latter,  and  when  superseded  by  the  Tiberian  signs,  it  continued 
only  to  live  in  copies  of  the  Bible  with  abbreviations. 

Mention  is  made  in  the  Commentary  on  Aboth  contained  in 
Mahzor  Vitri  of  three  different  ways  of  punctuation  {nikhid). 
Before  these  fragments  were  known  to  me,  I  was  of  opinion  that  the 
author  of  the  Commentary  merely  referred  here  to  three  variations  of 
the  Tiberian  system,  because  he  wrote  in  France,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  when  this  was  the  only  system  known  to 
grammarians  and  commentators.  But  now,  as  we  are  in  possession 
of  three  distinct  systems  of  signs  for  vowels  and  accents,  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  these  are  really  referred  to  in  Mahzor  Vitri  in 
the  Commentary  on  Aboth  i,  i.  The  three  ways  of  punctuation  are 
called  shellanu  (ours),  shel  erets  yisrael  (Palestinian),  and  nikkud 
Tlbrani  (Tiberian).  Now  it  is  well  known  that  in  the  age  of  the 
author  of  Mahzor  Vitri,  the  Tiberian  system  was  the  only  one  then 
in  use  in  Europe  ;  and  yet  by  "  our  system  "  either  of  the  other  two 
must  be  understood.  The  Commentary  is  a  compilation  from 
di/ferent  authors,  and  this  note  has  Babylon  for  its  birthplace,  and 
its  father  is  probably  a  Rabbi  who  lived  there  several  centuries 
before  R.  Simluih,  the  author  of  Mahzor  Viiri  ;  and  he  uses  the  term 

94 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

"  ours  "  in  the  way  it  is  used  in  the  Babylonian  Tahnud  in  contrast 
to  "  Palestinian."  These  two  systems  preceded  the  work  of  the 
Tiberian  school,  and  were  of  the  earliest  attempts  to  mark  in  a 
systematic  way  vowels  and  accents.  There  were  probably  several 
other  attempts,  but  these  two  were  adopted  by  scribes,  the  one  in 
Palestine,  the  other  in  Babylon.  When  the  work  of  the  Tiberian 
school  was  completed,  and  adopted  both  in  Palestine  and  in  Babylon, 
the  two  older  systems  were  supplemented  from  the  new  one,  but  had 
ultimately  to  leave  the  new  competitor  alone  in  the  iield.  The 
Babylonian  system  continued  for  a  long  time  to  live  in  countries  too 
distant  to  be  in  constant  contact  with  the  central  seats  of  learning ; 
and  when  at  last  the  new  system  became  known  to  them,  they  did 
not  like  to  give  up  entirely  the  system  already  hallowed  by  age  ; 
they  retained  it  chiefly  for  the  Targums,  the  lessons  from  the 
Prophets,  and  Hagiographa.  How  long  the  Palestinian  lived,  and 
how  far  it  spread,  and  whether  it  was  only  restricted  to  abbreviated 
texts,  cannot  be  learnt  from  the  one  MS.  of  the  Bodleian  Library.  But 
as  these  fragments  were  slow  in  coming  forth  to  light,  some  more 
may  still  linger  behind,  which  I  hope,  in  the  interest  of  science,  will 
soon  come  forth  from  the  place  in  which  they  were  allowed  to  enjoy 
a  long  rest. 


95 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY  [1896. 


APPENDIX    A. 


Ez.  xl,   13. 


IT        ):•  -{.:•/,        \."      J  •  T  -        .<-   •  -  V  TJT- 


Ex.  xxiii,   14,   15. 

J-  V  IT       v.-       ^  •  T    :  J  T 


I T       V-       ^  ■■.  At    JT  T         (. 


Ex.  iv,   1 8. 

,':  ;i  «  T^  D"^  '^  i'^  '^  ^^"^-  ^"^  O.!^-  "^  ^^^^  V^  *^'^?.'^- 

Is.  vi,   2. 
Is.  V,  27. 

Is.    xlv,     21. 

I  7  I  I  '  v/  I  J  I 


96 


Mak.  3] 


PROCEEDINGS. 
APPENDIX    B. 
(a.)  Disjunctive  Accents. 


[1896. 


Tiberian. 

Babylonian. 

Palestinian. 

Sof  pasuk  .     .     . 

1 

1 

Athnah  .... 

^ 

A 

Tipha     .... 

N 

b^  or  t^ 

f 

^ 

Tebhir   .... 

■J 

n 

^ 

Rebhi  a  .     . 

« 

n 

Zakef-gadol 

|: 

T 
1             ^ 

^             i^ 

Zakef-katan 

J^ 

i       .. 

1 
J 

Pashta    .     . 

"t^ 

< 

Yethib    .     . 

< 

1 

^     fc^  or  t^ 

Geresh  .     . 

1 
> 

^ 

Gershayin  . 

If 

1 

J 

1     " 

Zarka 

"J^ 

Segol      .     . 

"b^ 

t^i 

Pesik      .     . 

i« 

•« 

{/?.)  Conjunctive  Accents. 

Tiberian. 

Babylonian. 

Palestinian. 

Munah  .... 

J 

t 

Meicha  .... 

Mahpach    .     .     . 

fc^  or  b^ 

1          i 

Darga     .... 

^ 

« 

J 

Telisha  .... 

« 

ISi 

Makkef .     .     , 

■^ 

^ 

■^^  or  -t^ 

97 


H    2 


Mar.   3] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY. 


[1896. 


APPENDIX    C. 

Vowels. 

Tiberian. 

Bal 

ylonian. 

Palestinian. 

«  or  « 

^ 
« 

1 

i;<i 

A 

t>^ 

^ 

^ 

^ 

^ 

t^ 

hi 

^ 

« 

^^' 

fc^ 

« 

i^ 

't^  or  ^b^ 

i^ 

t^ 

t>^  or  ^^^ 

1 

J?^ 

a 

a 

or  Q-* 

n  or  tS 

Kamets 

Pathah 

Tsere 

Segol 

Sh'va 

Hirek 

Holem 

Shurek 

Dagesh 


*  In  Pinsker's  Einlcitiiiiq  in  das  Bahyl.-IIchr,  Piuictationssystcni  this  line 
modifies  the  vowel  preceding  the  letter  with  dagesh  ;  but  in  a  fragment  brought 
by  my  friend  Mr.  Elkan  Adler  from  Egypt  I  noticed  that  the  sign  for  dagesh  is 
absent  and  is  replaced  by  a  line  over  the  preceding  vowel. 


98 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


SOME    CONSIDERATIONS    REGARDING 
PROFESSOR    PETRIE'S    EGYPTIAN    CHRONOLOGY. 

By  D.    R.    FOTHERINGHAM,   B.A. 
Queens^  College,  Cainbndge. 

The  last  chapter  of  Professor  Petrie's  "  History  of  Egypt,"  which 
deals  with  the  difficult  question  of  chronology,  calls  for  a  few  remarks 
in  consequence  of  an  inaccurate  estimate  of  the  length  of  certain 
astronomical  periods,  to  which  attention  has  not  been  drawn  by  the 
leading  Egyptologists. 

Egyptian  chronology  may  be  calculated  in  two  distinct  ways. 
First  there  is  the  method  of  dead  reckoning,  by  which  the  reigns  of 
successive  kings  or  dynasties  are  simply  added  together,  and  the  sum 
taken  for  the  number  of  years  from  one  point  of  time  to  another. 
This  method  is  capable  of  universal  application  and  needs  no 
explanation.  For  short  periods  it  is  irreproachable,  but  for  long  ones 
it  is  less  trustworthy,  as  any  error  once  introduced  is  necessarily 
perpetuated  or  increased. 

The  second  method  is  peculiar  to  Egypt.  It  depends  on  the 
observed  inaccuracy  of  the  Egyptian  calendar.  The  year  in  Egypt 
always  contained  365  days.  Hence  the  civil  calendar  fell  one  day 
behind  the  astronomical  every  four  years.  The  Egyptians  were 
aware  of  this  retrogression,  but  made  no  attempt  to  rectify  it.  At 
the  same  time  they  occasionally  noted  the  extent  of  the  discrepancy, 
and  some  of  their  observations,  separated  by  wide  intervals,  have 
been  preserved. 

It  is  clear  that  if  every  four  years  the  Egyptian  calendar  fell  one 
day  behind  the  true  calendar,  in  course  of  time  it  must  necessarily 
fall  a  whole  year  behind,  and  then  a  new  cycle  would  begin  in  which 
the  previous  relationships  of  the  civil  and  astronomical  calendars 
would  be  exactly  repeated.  It  is  on  the  length  of  this  cycle  that 
Egyptian  chronology  depends.  It  has  been  calculated  at  1460  years, 
that  being  the  time  required  for  the  calendar  to  lose  365  days  at  the 
rate  of  a  quarter  of  a  day  every  year.  A  curious  error  is  involved  in 
this  apparently  simple  calculation. 

99 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

The  exact  length  of  the  year  is  not  36 5  j  days.  That  number  is 
only  an  approximation  due  to  Sosigenes,  and  adopted  by  Julius 
Caesar,  but  now  abandoned  by  all  western  nations  in  favour  of  the 
closer  approximation  of  Gregory  XIII.  The  true  length  of  the 
tropical  year  is  365'2422i6  days.  The  consequence  is  that  the 
error  of  the  Egyptian  calendar  is  rather  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  day 
in  a  year.  The  cycle  must  therefore  be  extended,  and  its  true 
length  is  1507  years.  Major  Conder  has,  I  believe,  called  attention 
to  the  necessity  of  this  correction,  but  Egyptologists  generally  have 
ignored  it. 

Further  correction  is  necessary  in  consequence  of  the  preression 
of  the  Ecliptic.  The  Egyptians  in  their  observations  did  not  regard 
the  natural  seasons  of  the  year,  but  the  position  of  the  sun  in  relation 
to  the  fixed  stars.  Now  the  length  of  the  sidereal  year  is  365'256374 
days,  and  the  cycle  corresponding  is  1423^  years.  But  even  this  is 
not  the  end.  For  the  particular  star  chosen  by  them  for  comparison 
was  Sirius,  a  star  which  unfortunately  has  a  large  proper  motion  of 
its  own.  So  that  while  the  annual  precession  of  the  Ecliptic  amounts 
to  5o"*262  2,  the  corresponding  change  in  the  right  ascension  of 
Sirius  is  only  39""66.  The  year  then  as  regulated  by  Sirius  is 
intermediate  between  the  sidereal  and  tropical  years,  and  actually 
amounts  to  3*^5 '253388  days,  and  the  corresponding  length  of  the 
cycle  is  1440^  years.  Professor  Petrie  therefore,  in  company  with 
other  Egyptologists,  is  involved  in  an  error  of  19^  years  in  each  cycle, 
or  one  year  in  seventy-five. 

Note  was  taken  each  year  of  the  day  on  which  Sirius  could 
first  be  seen  emerging  from  the  glow  of  the  morning  sunlight.  The 
cycle  began  when  it  was  so  seen  on  the  ist  of  Thoth.  Now  one  cycle 
is  recorded  by  Censorinus  as  beginning  a.d.  139.  'i'he  ])revious 
one  has  therefore  been  calculated  for  p,.c.  1322,  and  before  that 
cycles  began  B.C.  2782,  4242,  and  5702.  But,  from  a  wrong  estimate 
of  the  length  of  the  cycle,  all  these  dates  are  too  early,  and  we  should 
correct  them  to  1302,  2743,  4183,  and  5624. 

Now  we  have  three  records  of  this  heliacal  rising  Ijelonging  to 
the  important  period  of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  dynasties. 
The  last  of  these,  which  should  be  considered  first,  belongs  to  the 
second  year  of  Merenptah,  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus,  in  which 
year  Sirius  rose  witli  the  sun  on  the  29th  of  Thoth.  The  date  of 
this  has  been  calculated  by  Professor  Petrie  thus  : — 1322  — (29x4) 
=   1206.     But  the   date    1322    is,  as  we   have   seen,  nineteen   or 

100 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

twenty  years  too  early,  and  an  error  of  a  year  or  two  in  the  opposite 
direction  is  involved  in  the  period  of  116  years  during  which  the 
day  of  the  heliacal  rising  moved  from  the  ist  to  the  29th  of  Thoth. 
The  true  date  therefore  is  B.C.  1 188.  That  of  Merenptah's  accession 
would  consequently  be  1190,  and  of  the  Exodus  about  11 83.  It 
is  necessary  to  remark  that  in  all  these  dates  there  is  a  possible 
error  of  four  years. 

Another  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius  is  recorded  in  the  reign  of 
Tahutmes  III,  this  time  on  the  28th  of  Epiphi.  Mahler,  followed 
by  Professor  Petrie,  dates  this  B.C.  1470,  but,  his  error  being  now 
22  years,  this  date  must  be  reduced  to  1448. 

The  third  case  is  supposed  to  belong  to  the  ninth  year  of 
Amenhotep  I,  when  Sirius  rose  with  the  sun  on  the  9th  of  Epiphi. 
This  has  been  dated  b.c.  1546,  but  should  be  reduced  to  1523. 

But  Mahler  has  further  checked  his  chronology  by  the  calculation 
of  the  new  moons  recorded  in  the  reign  of  Tahutmes  III.  This 
introduces  a  totally  new  element,  but  does  not  in  reality  fortify  his 
dates.  The  length  of  the  lunar  month  is  2  9 -5  306  days,  and  that 
of  the  lunar  year  is  consequntly  twelve  times  as  long,  or  354*373 
days,  the  deficiency  as  compared  with  the  Egyptian  year  being  10-627 
days.  From  these  figures  it  will  be  seen  that  the  accumulated 
deficiencies  of  twenty-five  years  differ  from  nine  lunations  by  only 
two  hours.  In  other  words,  after  twenty-five  years  the  moon  has 
returned  to  nearly  the  same  position,  and  its  phases  recur  with  so 
great  exactness  that  a  day's  error  would  only  arise  in  three  centuries. 
■When  then  Mahler  dates  the  reign  of  Tahutmes  III  from  the  20th 
of  March,  b.c.  1503,  to  the  14th  of  February,  1449,  we  may  un- 
hesitatingly substitute  the  14th  of  March,  1478,  and  the  8th  of 
February,  1424,  the  Julian  and  Egyptian  calendars  having  diverged 
six  days  in  tw^enty-five  years. 

But  here  I  confess  to  some  doubt  as  to  the  true  date  of  the  new 
moons.  The  new  moon  is  properly  counted  from  the  moment  of 
actual  conjunction  with  the  sun.  But  the  Jews  and  Arabs,  and 
probably  Tahutmes  also,  counted  from  the  first  appearance  of  the 
crescent  moon  in  the  evening  sky.  This  takes  place  two  days  later 
than  the  conjunction,  and  if  Tahutmes  so  counted,  we  must  date  him 
three  years  later.  For  a  lunar  month  is  two  days  less  than  three 
times  the  annual  deficiency  of  the  lunar  year.  I  hazard  this  sugges- 
tion, but  without  sufficient  confidence  to  depart  further  than  is 
necessary  from  the  dates  calculated  by  Mahler  and  Professor  Petrie. 

TOI 


Mar.  3] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY. 


[1896. 


The  dates  of  the  kings  of  these  dynasties  as  corrected  on  the 
Hnes  indicated  above  would  be  much  as  follows  : — 


B.C. 

B.C. 

Aahmes ... 

•      1557 

Amenhotep  IV 

..       1360 

Amenhotep  I     ... 

•      1532 

Rasmenkhka 

••       1348 

Tahutmes  I 

•      1511 

Tutankhamen 

•       1339 

Tahutmes  II 

.      1490 

Ay 

..       1327 

r  Queen  Hatshepsut 
1  Tahutmes  III 

•      1478 

Horemheb  ... 

•       1315 

•      1456 

Ramessu  I   ... 

...       1310 

Amenhotep  II  ... 

.      1424 

Sety 

...       1308 

Tahutmes  IV 

1406 

Ramessu  II.,. 

...        1257 

Amenhotep  III... 

•      1397 

Merenptah  ... 

II90 

On  the  chronology  of  all  the  earlier  kings  there  is  but  one  check 
that  can  be  applied  to  the  dead  reckoning.  It  depends  upon  the 
fall  of  the  Nile  in  the  reign  of  Merenra,  fourth  king  of  the  sixth 
dynasty.  By  means  of  the  cycle  of  1460  years  this  has  been  dated 
about  B.C.  3350,  with  a  possible  error  of  28  years.  Professor  Petrie 
indeed  speaks  of  "an  uncertainty  (to  put  it  liberally)  of  50  or  100 
years,"  but  surely  this  is  too  great  a  latitude,  as  his  own  parenthesis 
implies,  since  not  more  than  seven  days  of  Epiphi  are  in  question. 
But  here  again  the  cycle  of  1460  years  is  misleading.  Yet  in  such 
a  question  as  the  rise  or  fall  of  the  Nile  we  are  clearly  not  de- 
pendent on  the  sidereal  cycle  we  have  used  hitherto,  but  on  the 
tropical  cycle  ;  for  the  seasons  all  over  the  world  are  regulated  by 
the  tropical  year.  Instead  of  1460  years  we  must  therefore  reckon 
1507,  and  advance  the  date  of  Merenra  from  b.c.  3350  to  3466, 
again  with  a  possible  error  of  28  years.  This  date  will  be  found 
in  striking  agreement  with  Professor  Petrie's  dead  reckoning,  by  which 
he  dated  the  reign  of  Merenra  from  B.C.  3447  to  3443. 

I  must  apologize  for  the  length  of  this  contribution,  and  for 
venturing  to  raise  my  voice  among  those  whose  services  to  Egyptology 
are  so  remarkable. 


102 


Mar.  3J  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


NOTE    ON    DEMOTIC    PHILOLOGV. 

F.  L.  Griffith. 

The  study  of  demotic  as  the  Hnk  between  New  Egyptian  and 
Coptic  has  reached  a  stage  from  which  its  further  development 
promises  to  be  full  of  interest,  now  that  Erman's  Neudgyptische 
Grammatik  and  Egyptian  Grammar  have  been  added  to  Brugsch's 
Worterlnich,  and  Stern's  masterly  Koptische  Grammatik  has  come  to 
the  aid  of  Peyron's  Lexicon.'''  The  grammars  and  lexicons  are  now 
so  far  advanced,  especially  in  Coptic,  that  the  beginner  in  demotic 
is  startled  at  his  own  progress  in  a  subject  which  he  finds  to  have 
been  treated  generally  with  little  regard  for  accuracy.  Many,  indeed, 
are  the  "  discoveries "  which  can  be  made  by  anyone  who  has 
obtained  the  merest  smattering  of  Coptic,  without  reference  to  Stern 
or  any  other  authority.  It  is  strange,  for  example,  to  find  that 
Brugsch,  who  carried  forward  the  study  with  giant  strides,  should 

have  read  ce  for  GT,  and  ^  for  ce,  but  stranger  still  that 

writers  of  huge  tomes  on  demotic,  whose  knowledge  it  would  seem 
is  based  on  Coptic,  should  have  perpetuated  instead  of  correcting 
his  error  to  this  day. 

The  following  examples  of  some  of  the  first  fruits  taken  from 
the  best  know^n  text,  the  Story  of  Setna,  may  serve  to  indicate  the 
nature  of  the  harvest  for  such  as  have  time  and  strength  to  reap  it. 

The  Prefixes  corresponding  to  the  Coptic  First  Present. 

Sing.  I  -^  =:  ,„  )  :^   ttty. 

„      2  m.      K  =  ~>      ek. 

„      3  "i-      ^  =  ^>'   ^/ 

»      3/        C  =  ^  es. 

Plur.   3         ce=  il   St. 

*  Remarkable  as  it  is,  SteindorfTs  "Grammar"  is,  by  its  nature,  of  far  less 
importance  to  the  demotist  as  a  work  of  reference  than  Stem's. 

103 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARClI/liOLOGY.  [1S96. 

All,  except  the  last,  are  derived  from  the  New  Egyptian  ^  Nt\, 
v_^,       ^-^    .  etc.      The  first  of  them   retains    the  f^  ;    in    the 

case  of  the  others  it  is  almost  entirely  lost ;  a  trace  of  it  remains, 
however,  in  the  n  =  6,  which  indicates  the  form  £K,  ecj,  ec, 
as  in  the  participle.  The  last  group,  which  has  hitherto,  but  im- 
possibly, been  read  ^  >  is  simply  I  .*  These  forms  are  found 
in  demotic,  (i)  in  the  present  tense  of  verbs,  (2)  in  the  present  tense 
with  prepositions,  (3)  iv.  the  past  tense  with  the  verb  )<w;u,  "come." 
, ") , ,  hitherto  read  ungrammatically  as  ce ,  is  of  course  par- 
ticipial et. 

Negatives. 

4  (to  be  read  /';/)  is  always  followed  by  ^  =  Coptic  It .  .  .  ^It. 
It  is  used  with  the  prefixes  of  the  present  tense  and  with  the 
absolute  pronouns  ^ ) ,  etc.,  and  has  a  present  or  else  a  participial 
meaning.      It  thus  corresponds  to  the  New  Egyptian     J    .     The 

AAAAA/". 

"post  negation"  ^L,  ^rt  is  probably  identical  with  the  interro- 
gative. 

1  £_  (to  be  read  1>7V  J>7v),  on  the  other  hand,  is  followed  by 
suffixes,  or  by  the  nominal  subject  of  the  sentence.  It  thus 
corresponds  to  JULTTG,  J  (2  □  <2.  —/".-«.  seems  to  be  entirely 
obsolete  in  demotic. 

The  above  "finds  "relate  to  the  granunar  ;  the  following  con- 
cern the  lexicon.  The  schoe7ius  measure  has  not  as  yet  been  noticed 
in  demotic,  although  it  occurs  frequently  in  Setna  under  the  form 
^  /xj  (hieroglyphic   ^<=>  )\  J\,  etc.;  cf.  Proc.  Soc.  Bib/.  Arch., 

XIV,  409),  viz.,  I,  30,  31: — there  was  'a  schocnus  of  scorpions, 
etc.,  etc.,  surrounding  the  box "  that  contained  the  sacred  book  of 
Thoth  :  also  again  and  again  it  is  stated  (II,  5,  13,  17)  that  it  was 
at  "  one  schoenus  north  from  Coptos "  that  fate  overtook  Merab, 
Ahura,  and  Ptah-neferka,  and,  one  after  another,  they  fell  into  the 
river. 


*  Prof.  Piehl  has  shown  that    |  ,.,   not    I   ,  .  .    corresponds  in  New  Egyptian 
to  C€.     ^^g-  Zeils.,  xxxiii,  40. 

104 


Mar.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

According  to  all  authorities  ^  /<,  =  (JoX ;  really  it  =  ^.XhI  : 
^Xe,  ascendere,  conscendere  navem.    Se/zia,  1,  24  ;  II,  5,  etc.,  etc. 

^^y  /k  =  (pIKI  !);  really  =  Xo  :  \(MXl .  N.B.— The 
Coptic  words  quoted  agree  with  the  demotic  exactly  in  the  usage 
with  the  reflexive  pronoun  for  "to  cease,"  and  in  the  other  meaning 
"  to  be  healed,"  as  in  the  Moschion  text :  also  in  the  rare  impera- 
tive form  with    /  =  ^,  viz.,  ^,^  //,  Sef/ia,  III,  6  =  S.    ^.Xo-K, 

The  dropping  of  the  X?,  or  (T^?,  in  the  Sahidic  is  very  curious  and 
unexpected,  so  also  is  the  o_  for  Boheiric  X  ;  but  if.  the  causative, 
T<lX6o .  There  is  another  curious  and  unexpected  example 
concerning  (T^and  X  in  (ToXI,  ^))i4-i+-  AX-^',  "run,"  Se/z/a,  III,  31 
(the  determinative  shows  that  it  cannot  be  XHX).* 

/ADT^IO  hr  twn,  Sefna,  III,  29,  IV,  13  =  the  Sahidic  preposi- 
tion ^ITOTn,  "by  the  side  of."  What  the  etymology  of  the 
word  may  be  I  do  not  yet  see ;  Stern's  account  of  it  can  only  be 
correct  if  the  demotic  spelling  is  false. 

Much  more  of  the  same  kind  could  be  gathered  from  the  text 
of  Setna  alone,  but  the  above  hastily  gleaned  notes  are,  I  think, 
enough  to  prove  the  truth  of  my  opening  statements. f  In  Germany, 
Austria,  Switzerland,  Holland,  and  America^  there  are  signs  that 
several  sound  Coptic  and  hieroglyphic  scholars  are  closing  in  upon 
this  branch  of  enquiry,  and  we  may  expect  a  brilliant  future  for  it, 
important  not  only  for  philology,  but  also,  in  connection  with  Greek 
papyri,  for  history  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word. 

*  I  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to  find  a  second  example  of  the  word,  confirm- 
ing entirely  the  above  identification,  in  a  text  which  will  be  published  shortly. 

t  It  follows  that  the  translations  of  Hess,  Maspero  and  Revillout,  as  well  as 
that  printed  in  Professor  Petrie's  Egyptian  Tales  (second  series),  require  much 
correction  in  detail.  One  of  the  most  striking  of  these  is  in  III,  31,  where  Ptah 
appears  to  Setna  like  a  king,  not  "taller  than  a  staff,  and  with  many  men  trampled 
under  his  feet!"  (a  description  that  suggests,  if  anything,  some  Lamaist  mon- 
strosity), but  "riding  in  a  chariot  (or  litter),  with  many  attendants  running  at 
his  feet." 

+  In  France,  Prof  Maspero  has  unfortunately  withdrawn  from  active  partici- 
pation in  the  study  :  to  Prof  Revillout  demotists  will  be  lastingly  grateful  for 
his  energy  in  publishing  splendid  photographic  plates  of  papyri,  as  well  as  for 
highly  useful  pioneer  work  amongst  certain  classes  of  texts. 


105 


Mar.  3] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHzTiOLOGV. 


[1S96. 


THE    NAME    CHAEREU. 


ECCLESBOURNE,    KeW    GARDENS, 

Febrjiary  29,  1 5 


Dear  I\Ir.  Rylaxds, 


Mr.  F.  L.  Griffith,  in  his  "  Chaereu  to  HermopoHs,"  in  this 
month's  Proceedings,  says,  "  I  do  not  know  of  any  Egyptian 
name  that  might  answer  to  Chaereu."  But  Vicomte  Jacques  de 
Rouge,  in  his  "  Geographie  Ancienne  de  la  Basse-Egypte,"  suggests 

\^  V^        Keruu,     saying    it     is     frequently    found     in    the 

Geographical  lists,  and  that  Brugsch  thought  it  was  to  be  recognised 
in  the  town  of  Xmpeov  cited  by  Strabo,  which  in  Coptic  was  called 
^epe*^',  the  modern  Al  Kerim  to  the  east  of  Lake  Mareotis. 

As  apropos  of  Egyptian  names,  may  I  venture  to  call  attention, 
because  of  its  appropriateness  to  our  Society,  of  the  identification  by 
Professor  Maspero  of  two  names  mentioned  in  the  "  Travels  of 
Saneha,"  with  their  counterparts  in  the  Old  Testament  ? 


These     are     the    Kadima 


with     Kedemah 


T\^~\\)  son  of  Ishmael  of  Genesis  xxv,  15  ;  and  the  Aaa,  I  a  a,  with 
Aia  n'^i;^  son  of  Zibeon,  son  of  Seir,  the  Horite,  of  Genesis  xxxvi,  24. 
See  "  Recueil  de  Travaux,"  vol.  xvii,  p.  142. 

Yours  sincerely, 

Jos.  Offord,  Junior. 


106 


JlAR.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


ROMAN    INSCRIPTIONS    AT    ASSUAN. 
By  Prof.  A.  H.  Sayce. 

This  winter  the  diggers  for  sehakh  or  nitrous  earth  have 
uncovered  some  very  interesting  monuments  of  the  Roman  age 
at  Assuan,  to  the  south  of  the  modern  town  and  a  httle  to  the  east 
of  the  raihvay  station.  Here  they  have  found  the  remains  of  a 
paved  road,  running  east  up  to  a  point  where  on  one  side  of  it  (the 
north)  is  the  granite  base  of  a  statue,  and  on  the  other  or  southern 
side  are  two  granite  bases.  The  easternmost  of  these  adjoins  a 
block  of  hmestone  which  served  as  part  of  a  gate-post.  It  must 
therefore  have  been  the  entrance  to  one  of  the  temples  (if  not  the 
chief  temple)  of  Syene. 

The  granite  base  (No.  i)  on  the  north  side  is  engraved  with  tv/o 
dedicatory  inscriptions,  one  to  Germanicus,  the  other  to  Nerva 
Trajan ;  the  two  on  the  south  side  are  dedicated  to  Antoninus 
Pius  and  Aurelius  Verus,  the  inscriptions  facing  north.  The  historical 
value  of  the  inscriptions  is  considerable,  as  they  give  the  names, 
not  only  of  the  prsefects  of  Egypt,  but  also  of  the  prasfects  of  the 
Camps,  as  well  as  the  names  of  the  officers  commanding  the  cavalry 
at  Syene.  Indeed  the  information  they  afford  in  regard  to  the 
military  occupation  of  Syene  at  the  time  is  most  welcome. 

The  date  of  the  prasfecture  of  Heliodorus  over  Egypt  is  moved 
a  few  years  back  by  the  newly-found  inscriptions,  while  M.  Annius 
Suriacus  is  new.  The  "  prsefects  of  the  Camps "  were  the 
commanders  of  the  Roman  army  stationed  in  Egypt,  which  was 
not  under  senatorial  legates  as  elsewhere.  During  the  reign  of 
Augustus,  when  there  were  three  legions  in  the  country,  there  were 
three  prcefects,  but  when  the  third  legion  was  withdrawn  by  Tibeiius, 
and  the  camps  of  the  other  two  fixed  at  Alexandria,  only  one 
commander-in-chief  was  appointed,  who  took  the  title  of  "  prosfectus 
castrorum."  The  names  of  a  few  of  these  prcefects  are  known,  and 
the  newly-discovered  text  will  add  to  their  number. 

107 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETV  OF  J5IBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

The   inscriptions,   I  should   add,  are  well   engraved   and   well 
preserved.     These  are  my  copies  of  them  : — 

Pedestal  I  :  on  the  north  side  :  inscription  on  the  south  face  : 

C  .  CAESARl   .   AVC.   .  GERMANICO  .   DIVI  .  AVG  . 
PRONEPOTI  .  TI  .  CAESARIS  .  AVG  .  N  .  GER 

MANICI  .  CAESARTS       F  . 
COS  .  n  .  TRIP.  .  POTEST  .  PONTIF  .  MAXIMO  . 

IMP . PATRI . PATRIAE 
PER   .  C  .  VITRASIVM   .  POLLIONEM  .  PRAEF  . 

AEGVP  .  COHORS  .  ITVRAEOR  . 
CVI  .   PRAEST  .   L  .   FIENIVS  .  L  .   F  .   FAL  .  SA 

TVRNINVS  .  ANNO  .  7TT  .  C  .  CAESARIS  . 
AVGVSTl . 

GERMAN]  CI  .   nil  .    K  .   MA  IAS  .  M 

.   .  .   .   N  .   JIHII  I  .   .   . 

Pedestal  1  :  inscription  on  the  east  face  : 

IMP . CAESARl 

NERVAE      TRAIANO  .  AVG  . 

GERM  .  PONT   MAX  .  TRIBVNIC  . 

POTEST  .  COS  .  H  .   P  .  P  .  PER  .  C  .  POMPEIVM  . 

PLANTAM  .   PRAEF  .   AEG  .   ET  .   L  .  CINVCIVM  . 

PRISCVM   . 
PRAEF  .  CASTROR  .  COH  .  TRES  1       HISPA 

NOR  .   EQ  .   CV 1  .  PRAEEST  .  TI  .  CLAV  DIVS  . 
AFRICANVS  .   ET  .  TT  .   ITVR  .    EQ  .  CVI  .   PRAE 

EST . TI . CLAVDIVS . BERENICAEVS . 

ET  .    r.  THEB  .   EQ  .  CVI       PRAEEST  .   P  .  CIRVDI 

VS  .   IVSTVS   .   CVRAM  .   AGENTE  .   I  (?)  . 

CLAVUIO . 
IVSTO  .  PRAEF  .  COH   .  T  .   THEB  .   EQ  .  ET  .   CV 

RATORE  .  COH  .   T .   HISPANOR  .  EQ  .   ET 
COH  .    n  .   ITVRAEOR  .   EQVIT  , 

Pedestal  II  :  on  the  south  side  :  north  face  : 

IMP  .  CAESARl   .   DIVI  .   HADRIANI  .    FIL  . 
DIVI  .   TRAIANI  .   PARTHICl  .   NEPOTI  . 
DIVI  .   N  1:  R  VAE  .   PRONEPOTI   . 

108 


Mar.  3] 


PROCEEDINGS. 


[1896. 


PVBLIO   .  CAESARI  .   HADRIANO  .   ANTONINO  . 

AVG  .  no  . 

PER  .  C  .  AVIDIVM  .  HELIODORVM  .  PRAEF  .  AEG  .  ET 
M  .  OSCIVM  .   DRVSVM  .   PRAEF  .  CASTROR  .  COH  . 

I  .   FL  .  CILIC  .  EQVIT  . 
CVRAM  .  AGENTE  .  TARIDIO  .  MARCELLING  . 
^LEG  .  II  .  TR  .   FOR  . 

Pedestal  III  :  on  the  south  side  :  north  face  : 

IMP  .  CAESARI  .   L  .  AVRELIO  .  VERO  .  AVG  . 

DIVI  .  ANTONINI  .  FIL  .   DIVI  .  HADRIANI  .  NEPOT  . 

DIVI  .  TRAIANI  .   PRONEPOT  .  DIVI  .   NERVAE  ,  ABNE 

POT  . 
PONT  .   MAX  .  TRIE  .   POTEST  .   II  .  COS  .P.P.  PER  . 
M  .  ANNIVM  .  SVRIACVM  .  PRAEF  .  AEG  .  ET  , 
L  .  CINTASIVM  .  CASIANVM   .  PRAEF  .  CAST  . 

COH  .  I  .  FL  .  CIL  ,  EQ  . 
CVRANTE  .   VALERIO  .  CORDO  .    i   .  LEG  .   II  . 

TR . FORT . 


109 


Mar.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH^-EOLOGY.  [1896. 


There  being  no  Meeting  in  April  (Bye-law  XXXIX), 
the  next  Meeting  of  the  Society  will  be  held  at  '^'j,  Great 
Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C,  on  Tuesday,  5th  May, 
1896,  at  8  p.m. 


The  Library  and  Offices  will  be  closed  for  cleaning  and 
decorating  from  Wednesday,  April  8th,  to  Monday,  the  13th 
of  April,  inclusive. 


ERRATA  IN  FEBRUARY  NUMBER. 


p.  50,  line  I7,>r   |(j[]^    read         (j(j  ^ 


110 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY  PUBLICATIONS. 


In  8  Parts.      Price  5s.  each.     With  full  Illustrations  of  the  Vignettes. 
Parts  cannot  be  sold  separately. 

The  Fourth  Part  having  been  issued,  the  Price  is  now  Raised  to  £5  for  the  8  Parts. 


XCbe  JEg^ptian  Book  of  tbe  IDeab, 

BEING   A 

Complete  Translation,  Commentary,  and  Notes, 

By  p.  LE  page  RENOUF,  Esq.  {President); 

CONTAINING    ALSO 

^  ^tms  of  ^9latcs  of  tte  Fignettes  of  t^c  different  aP!)a|)ters. 


The  request  having  been  made  by  a  number  of  friends  that  this 
ranslation,  &c.,  should  be  issued  in  a  different  form,  so  as  to  be  a 
eparate  boolc,  and  Mr.  Renouf  having  kindly  consented,  it  is  proposed 
0  issue  a  limited  number  of  copies  upon  large  paper,  in  numbers,  at  5^-. 
ach.  Members  desirous  of  obtaining  copies  should  at  once  communicate 
rith  the  Secretary.  The  fourth  part  having  been  issued,  the  price  is  now 
aised  to  12^.  dd.  a  Part. 


CTbe  Bronse  ©rnaments  of  tbe 
Ip)alace  (3ates  from  JSalawat. 

[Shalmaneser  II,  B.C.  859-825.] 


Parts  I,  II,  III,  and  IV  have  now  been  issued  to  Subscribers. 

In  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  original  prospectus  the  price  for 
:ach  part  is  now  raised  to  ;^i  loj. ;  to  Members  of  the  Society  (the  original 
)rice)  £^\  \s. 


Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 


COUNCIL,    1896. 


President, 
P,  LE  Page  Renouf. 

Vue- Presidents, 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

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The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Amherst  of  Hackney. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Halsbury. 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  M.P.;  D.C.L.,  &c. 

F.  D.  Mocatta,  F.S.A.,  &c. 

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Rev.  George  Rawlinson,  D.D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 


Council. 


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Arthur  Gates. 

Rev.  Prof.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  D.D. 

Thomas  Christy,  F.L.S. 

Dr.  J.  Hall  Gladstone,  F.R.S. 

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&c. 
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HARRISON    AND   SONS,    TRINTERS    IN    ORDINARY  TO    HEK    MAJKSIY,    ST.    MARTIN's    LANE. 


VOL.  XVIII.  Part  4. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 

THE    SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY. 


#x 

VOL.  XVIIL     TWENTY-SIXTH  SESSION. 

[APRIL,    1896.      NO    MEETING.] 

^^ 

CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

P.  LE  Page  Renouf  (Preside^).— The  God       [1[1  ^,       ffi  Jj, 

'^i\^^i,^Zai ' ' 

P.     Le    Page    Renouf   {President). — The   Book   of  the   Dead, 

Notes  to  Chapter  CXXN ,  continued    I13-117 

Prof.  Wm.  F.  Petrie,  D.CL. — Note  on  Chronology 117 

Rev.  C.  J.  Ball. — The  Blessing  of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxiii) 11S-137 

E.  TowRY  White,  M.A.,  F.S.A.— Some  Remarks  on  the  Sepul- 
chral Fig\u-es  usually  called  Ushabii.     (10  Plates)     138-146 

^:^ 

PUBLISHED   AT 

THE     OFFICES     OF     THE     SOCIETY, 

37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C, 

18  96. 

No.  cxxxvii.] 


SOCIETY   OF    BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY, 
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.     12      6 

^ROCEI 

IDl 

IX, 

NGS. 

M        2 

10 

6 

12 

6 

To 

To  Members. 

Non-Members. 

Vo 

.     I, 

Session 

187S-79 

2 

0 

2 

6 

5> 

n, 

»» 

1879-80 

2 

0 

2 

6 

5> 

III, 

9> 

18S0-81 

4 

0 

5 

0 

J> 

IV, 

>» 

1881-82 

4 

0 

.. 

5 

0 

,, 

V, 

„ 

18S2-83 

4 

0 

5 

0 

>» 

VI, 

»> 

1883-84 

5 

0 

6 

0 

'    >» 

VII, 

J» 

18S4-85 

5 

0 

6 

0 

>> 

VIII, 

1» 

1885-S6 

5 

0 

6 

0 

>> 

IX, 

,, 

18S6-87 

2 

0  per  ] 

'a 

rt      .. 

2 

6 

f» 

IX, 

Part  7, 

1886-87 

8 

0     „ 

10 

6 

»> 

X, 

Parts  I  to 

7, 

1S87-S8 

2 

0     ,, 

2 

6 

>> 

X, 

Part  8, 

1887-88 

7 

6     „ 

10 

6 

>> 

XI, 

Parts  I  tc 

7, 

18S8-89 

2 

0     ,, 

2 

6 

» 

XI, 

Part  8, 

188S-89 

7 

6     „ 

10 

6 

>» 

XII, 

Parts  I  to 

7, 

1889-90 

2 

0     ,, 

2 

6 

1> 

XII, 

Part  8, 

18S9-90 

5 

0     ,, 

6 

0 

9> 

XIII, 

Parts  I  to 

7, 

1890-91 

2 

0     ,, 

2 

6 

>» 

XIII, 

Part  S, 

1890-91 

5 

0     ,, 

6 

0 

»» 

XIV, 

Parts  I  to  7, 

1891-92 

2 

0     ,, 

2 

6 

>> 

XIV, 

Part  8, 

1891-92 

5 

0    ,, 

6 

0 

»> 

XV, 

Parts  I  to 

7, 

1892-93 

2 

0     ,. 

2 

6 

5> 

XV, 

Part  8, 

1892-93 

5 

0     ,, 

6 

0 

>> 

XVI, 

Parts  I  t 

D   lO, 

1893-94 

2 

0     ,, 

2 

6 

,, 

XVII, 

Parts  I  to  8 

1895 

2 

0     ,, 

2 

6 

>, 

XVIII, 

In  progress 

1896 

2 

0    ,, 

-> 

6 

A  few  complete  sets  of  the  Transactions  still  remain  for  sale,  wliich  may  he 
obtained  on  application  to  the  Secretary,  \V.  H.  1s.yi,anu.s,  F.S.A.,  37,  Great 
Russell  Street,  Bloonislmry,  W.C. 


PROCEEDINGS 

OF 

THE     SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL     ARCHAEOLOGY. 


TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION,    1896. 


Part  4. 
\April,   1896.     No  Meeting?^ 


•#;^4cft- 


THEG0Df[|y.7i]y,^(][)aj.^;a 

Dear  Mr.  Rylands, 

The  Museum  at  Turin  has  among  its  treasures  one  of  the 
most  important  and  interesting  monuments  illustrative  of  Egyptian 
religion  in  the  '  Early  Empire.'  The  third  volume  of  our  Transactions 
•contains  pictures  of  this  most  ancient  altar,  drawn  by  Mr.  Bonomi, 
with  a  translation  by  Dr.  Birch  of  the  inscriptions  upon  it.  The 
chief  interest  of  this  monument  of  the  Vlth  dynasty  lies  in  the  list 
•of  gods  which  it  presents. 

The  name  of  the  very  first  of  these  gods  is  written      [|[|  ^ ,  and 

numberless  guesses  at  the  phonetic  reading  of  it  have  been  made. 
The  same  name  occurs  among  the  names  of  gods  upon  two  cubits 
of  Memphite  origin,  which  have  been  fully  described  by  Lepsius  in 
.a  dissertation  published  by  the  Berlin  Academy  of  Sciences  in  1865. 
I  was  in  hopes  that  in  note  11  to  my  translation  of  Chapter 
CXX"^^  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  I  had  settled  the  question  of  the 
phonetic  reading  of  the  divine  name,  which  I  identified  (i)  with 

(1(1  S  on  the  statue  of  King  Horus  at  Turin,  the  inscription  of 

[No.  cxxxvii.]  Ill  I 


April]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY  [1896. 

which  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  name  is  one  of  the  appellatives  of 
Thoth,  and    (2)    with    ''-'^^  [In  £)  r^    the  god   of  Chemunnu,    who 

appears    as    the    third    among    the    42    judges    in    the    Hall   of 
Righteousness. 

When  it  is  known  who  Feiiti  is,  there  can  be  no  doubt  about  the 
appropriateness  of  the  name  or  yet  of  its  meaning.  The  Egyptian 
^^^^^  Qfenf,  like  the  Latin  rosfnu/i  and  the  Greek  f'v^ixo'^,  is  applied 
not  only  to  the  snout  or  nose  of  an  animal,  but  to  the  beak  or  bill 
of  a  bird.      /^ww.  I  [1  £>   tv  or,  as  the  name  is  also  written  in  the  Solar 


Litanies,  ^s;;^"^    rJ[ '*  signifies  the  Ibis  deity,  so  called  from  one  of 

its  most  strikingly  conspicuous  features.     Cf.  the  Latin  names  Naso, 
Labeo,  Fronto. 

Why  have  I  to  repeat  this  ? 

It  is  because  in  the  February  number  of  our  Proceedings  the 
unfortunate  god  was  (after  correct  proof  and  correct  revise)  docked  of 
liis  characteristic  feature,  and  the  passage  in  which  this  outrage 
upon  the  deity  occurred  was  thereby  reduced  to  nonsense.  I 
attempted  a  correction  in  the  March  number,  but  the  erratum  at 
page  no  was  corrected  in  the  proof,  but  the  correction  has  dropped 
out  of  the  published  number. 

I  am  therefore  compelled  to  call  special  attention  to  what  is 
really  a  horrible  grievance. 

I  confess  that  a  worse  fate  might  have  beflillen  me.  I  see 
certain  Egyptological  publications  in  which  the  horned  head  ^  is 
substituted  for  <£?,  and  we  even  find  ^  put  down  with  the  syllabic 
value  x^'^^-  ^I'^c  wiseacre  who  invented  this  is  like  a  foreign 
schoolmaster  who,  in  teaching  English,  instructed  his  class  to 
substitute  Fudge  whenever  Judge  had  to  be  written. 

This  is  being  translated  like  Bottom.! 
Believe  me. 

Very  truly  yours, 

P.    LK    P.    RkNOUF. 

*  This  is  not  a,  simple  variant.    The  suffix  >>  must  not  be  confounded  with  (1(1. 
Naso  is  not  the  same  word  as  Nastitus,  though  the  meaning  is  not  very  unlike, 
t  Snout.     O  Bottom,  thou  art  changed  !    what  do  I  see  on  thee  ? 

Bottom.     What  do  you  see  ?    you  see  an  ass's  head  of  your  own,  do  you  ? 
Quia.     Bless  thee,  Bottom  !    l)less  thee  !    thou  art  translated. 

112 


Ai'RiL]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896, 


BOOK   OF   THE    DEAD. 

By  p.  le  Page  Renouf. 


CHAPTER    CXXV. 

Notes — continued. 

31.  This  introduction  to  Part  HI  of  this  chapter  occurs  only  in 
the  Papyrus  of  .Nebkat  {Pe).  Another  ancient  manuscript  {Ph)  has 
the  words  "Said  upon  approaching  triumphantly  to  the  Hall  of 
Righteousness."  But  the  texts  generally  begin  with  the  invocation, 
"  Hail  ye  gods,  I  know  you  and  I  know  your  names." 

X2.  Reverse  of  mine,  ^M?>,  a  turn  of  the  wheel,  which  the 
context  implies  to  be  unfortunate.    A  very  absurd  reading  is  v 


as  if  the  defendant  were  master  of  the  fates  of  his  divine 
III    I   ^' 

judges. 

2,Z-  The  King  zvho  resideth  within  His  own  Day.  A  very 
doubtful  passage  at  present.  The  words  do  not  occur  in  the  oldest 
text  of  the  chapter  (that  of  Nebseni),  and  they  are  omitted  here  in 
the  later  recensions.     Ad  is,  as  far  as  I  know,  the  only  authority  for 

'  ^     ^^  ;   other  papyri  having   merely   ^^ '  ?  which   might 


possibly  correspond  to  the  ^^   immediately  preceding.     The 

Royal   tombs  have  m   v\     v^  ,  and  one  of  the   papyri  has 

(1  ^  instead  of  1     ^    ^.     All  this  reminds  one  of  an  obscure 

passage  in  Chapter  115,  where  Ra  is  speaking  with    I  ^  / 

f[]   \\    J\  according  to  the  Text  of  the  Turin   Todtenhuch. 

Goodwin  conjectured  that  King  Amhauf  belonged  '  to  the  race  of 
-mythical   kings  who    preceded    Menes,'  and    that  his  history  is  'a 

113  I  2 


April]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 

legend  somewhat  analogous  to  that  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha.'  There 
is  a  much  more  probable  solution  of  the  matter, 

I      ^     ^  is  meant  for    I   JH  Suf,  and  it  was  with  this  god 

/ m  V\      ^     i^.-^    or ^|\    rn    k\     \^   I  I  I  *  ^\n\\\?, course' 

that  Ra  was  speaking  when  the  disaster  happened  to  the  latter 
divinity,  who  for  his  talk  had  chosen  a  wrong  moment,  which  really 
belonged  to  his  adversary.     Cf.  supra  note  3  on  Chapter  no. 

And  here  too  I  would  instead  of    I  read    I  ,  and  the 

sense  of  the  passage  would  be  '"'let  not  reverse  of  mine  come  to  pass 
through  Sutu,  when  his  time  cometh." 

•^4.   Cares..    '^^  "^  in    the  later  texts.     The  older  texts  differ 
o  W  III  •        V    -n      fV 

greatly  from  each  other:  ^  \j/    ^fc\   V^  '^  ^^e  most  frequent 

reading. 

35,  The  Ass  and  the  Cat  in  the  house  of  Hept-ro.  The  two  per- 
sonages who  take  part  in  this  dialogue  are  known  from  other  portions 
of  the  Book  of  the  Dead.  The  Cat  is  Ra  in  the  17th  chapter.  And 
the  Ass  appears  in  the  40th  chapter,  as  the  victim  of  the  devouring 
Serpent.  The  Sun-god  overcome  by  darkness  is  Osiris ;  and  he  is 
so  called  by  name  in  the  Demotic  version  of  this  chapter. 

Hept-ro,^  5^ID  ^,  'god  of  the  gaping  mouth.'     The 

word   X  g-g^  is  not  found  elsewhere^  but  the  meaning  of  it 


seems  to  be  indicated  by  the  determinative.     It  is  very  probably 

akin  to  the  more  common    x  N\,  '^-^^  ^^,  which  does  not 

mean   'squat'   or    'sit,'   but    'stretch   out,'  distendi.      Cf.   Note   6, 
Chapter  63B. 

The  '  house  of  the  god  of  the  gaping  mouth,'  seems  to  be  the 
Earthy  considered  as  the  universal  tomb  («\\,'  uvtou  <~ia7(i  /mlXaira 
TTuai  x^voi,  II.  14,  417).  And  here  Osiris  and  Ra  (the  Ass  and  the 
Cat)  meet  daily,  'Yesterday'  speaketh  to  'To-day.' 

"in«  v^y"  Dv^  ai\ 


*  The  Luynes  papyrus  reads  - 

son   for   thinking   that    in  Ch 
written  without  its  phonetic  value, 


fU      V\  ,  which  affords  good 


reason   for   thinking   that    in  Chapter   115,  as   elsewhere,  a^^-^     was   originally 


114 


April]  TROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

36.  Ferd/rf,  ^J^  1)  i '  ^  -^  ^1 '  ',','  ^^^  i) '  ^  "^^  i) ' 
A  note  of  M.  Guyesse  in  the  Reaieil^  X,  p.  64,  contains  references 

to  the  chief  passages  in  which  this  word  occurs.  I  will  add  a  very- 
important  one,  the  picture  of  a  god  (Lefebure,  Tombeau  de  Seti\ 
p.  Ill,  pi.  2>2>)  ^^'ith  sword  in  hand,  whose  name  is  this  word.  The 
ideographic  signs  which  express  it  imply  (i)  '  a  cutting  in  two,  parting, 
division,'  (2)  that  the  act  is  one  of  speech  or  intellect,  such  as  'judg- 
ment, decision,  verdict.'  The  phonetic  equivalence  of  the  signs  -^ 
and  'I'l'  or  [  I  ]  show  that  the  value  is  that  of  Seb. 

37.  Covereth.  The  right  Egyptian  word  here,  as  in  a  similar 
passage  in  Chapter  17,  is  uncertain,  but  the  meaning  is  plain  enough. 
There  are  many  pictures  showing  a  divinity  (the  sun  or  moon-god) 
hidden  within  or  behind  a  tree. 

38.  That  the  Balance  may  be  set  upon  its  sta?id  within  the  bower 
of  amaranth. 

Cf.  the  passage  (Rochemonteix,  Edfou,  p.  191)  where  mention  is 
made  of  the  divine  powers  which  animate  the  Princes  who  are  in  the 
train  of  Osiris  and  who  lift  the  Balance  upon  the  stand  before  them 


j_i.      r*i    J_l.  "^        I  /VW^AA 

Ml        D  i    U     \      J\   a:.    \   \   \ 


Amaranth  (see  Note  3  of  Chapter  26)  is  only  one  of  the  readings 
of  this  doubtful  text. 


39.  Disasters,  [1  (Tl  H  [1(1  \>  f°h  ^^^  '  ^^^  '''^^^'  ^''''^^f'^^tune.  See 
my  note  on  this  word,  T.S.B.A.,  II,  p.  313. 

40.  Grasshoppers,    <^v  Vv     Y\  ^^^^ .      The  similar  word 
7                                  _^    ^    -^  Jl    1  1  I 

□i^7D,  which  only  occurs  in  Lev.  xi,  22,  does  not  appear  to  be 
Semitic.  It  is  a  sufficiently  familiar  word  in  Egyptian  to  serve  as  a 
term  in  comparison,  'as  plentiful  as  grasshoppers.' 

41.  The  text  here  is  quite  uncertain.  The  Turin  Todtenbuch  has 
"the  fourth  hour  of  the  Night  and  the  eighth  hour  of  the  Day,"" 
which  does  not  agree  with  any  early  reading.  Cd.  has  "  the  fourth 
hour  of  the  Night  and  of  the  Day."     Several  papyri  have  the  "  second 

hour  of  the  Night  and  the  third  (==^^  —       of  the  Day."      It  was  in 

this  passage,  as  written  in  B.M.  9904,  that,  in  the  year  i860,  I  found 
the  phonetic  value  of  the  Egyptian  number  3  :  a  discovery  first 
ascribed  by  Brugsch*  to  Goodwin,  and  afterwards  by  others  to 
Brugsch  himself. 

*  Zcitschr.,  No.  3. 

IIS 


April]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII.KOLOGY.  [ih'gS. 

42.  The  hearts  of  the  gods  are  appeased,  l2I2j]tjp]  =  a^va^/vn  j  |  j . 
Cf.  n<i.I,  iXurriccaOdi,  and  ItAHT,  tXo'juwi',  oiKTi'pfiwi'.  This  ex- 
plains  Pap.  Prisse  XVII,  ^^jI^'^O^^^J^. 

43.  Let  him  come.     J\  v\  is  a  tolerably  certain  reading,  but 


it  is  not  possible  to  say  what  should  be  the  word  preceding  this. 
The  scribes  have  written  'there  he  cometh,'  'we  grant  that  he  come,' 
*  I  grant,'  'let  him  be  brought  in,'  and  the  like. 

44.  He  who  s:roweth  under  the  Grass,  ^  <^r>  ;  %Y  (JO      1  • 

cr^ia         W       U  a     1 1  ^  I 

45.  A  thigh,    ^A/v^N^(2,    also  written  ^| . 

46.  See   the  greetings:   fpiovij   ^jap    oi>w,    to    ({)(ni^6i.ievov,    Oedip. 

Col.  138. 

\    '==^ 

47.  The  Leaf,     J      ix     v-:^^. 

48.  Poititer  [or  Plummet']  of  Truth,  "^  %  0  "^^^  J]  "^  S^  ;  • 

49.  The  Scale  Pan,  \  ^  ^^^=^\^^,    \   ^  ^'^. 
c:o.    The  Drac-on  Brood,     m      \\  L^?sm. 

51.  The  Truncheon  of  LLathor,    -^^     ^^:^t^  does  not  appear  to 

be  a  very  familiar  word   to  the   scribes,  who  write  it  in  the   most 
diverse  ways  possible ;  one  of  them  even   understanding  it  as  the 

'  opening  of  heaven  '  ^^^  .     AH  that  we  can  say  is  that  the 

word    is   shown    by    its   determinative  to  be  of  wood,   and  by  its 

etymology  {cf    ^^   \\  ,  I   to  serve  for  striking,   blinding,   or 

slaying.     Some  of  the  texts   name   Hathor,  and   others  Nephthys. 

'I'he  sign  occurs  in  both  names,  and  the  scribes  have  read  the 

rest  of  the  name  as  best  they  could. 

52.  He  "who  hiurweth  the  heart  and  exploreththeperson,  J^^a  "^v    S^ 

I    l« 


5^i 
I  A  .    This  is  so  exactly  the  equivalent  of  "Searching 

the  heart  and  trying  the  reins"  of  Jeremiah  (xvii,  10),  that  we 
might  have  expected  to  find  something  like  it  in  the  Coptic  version 
of  the  Bible.  But  there  we  have  nothing  but  a  close  adherence  to 
the  sense  of  the  Septuagint,  and  even  to  such  a  word  as  coxtjud'C^cn'. 

116 


April]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

53.  Who provideth  for.     ^V^  <::{}=:>'  ^  is  the  equivalent  of  the 

Greek  irpovoetv  in  the  inscription  of  Tanis,  and  of  /(e'/j^u'H  in  the 
Demotic  text  of  the  verses  of  Moschion.  The  Coptic  form  is 
JULe**"!,  iULeenre,  which  stands  for  (j)pove7v  in  Phil,  iv,  10,  "Your 
care  of  me,  wherein  ye  also  were  careful." 

Thoth  is  thus  represented  as  the  divine  Providence,  which  takes 
care  of  the  universe.     The  same  view  is  found  in  a  text  at  Edfu. 

54.  The   Eye    of  Horus ;    see    latter    part  of   Note    2,    of  this 
chapter. 


NOTE    ON    CHRONOLOGY. 
By  Wm.  F.  Petrie,  D.C.L. 

In  giving  an  outline  of  the  bases  of  the  chronology,  I  did  not 
think  it  necessary  to  show  the  various  stages  or  considerations  which 
lay  under  the  surface.  But  I  can  assure  Mr.  Fotheringham  that  full 
account  was  taken  of  all  the  details  which  he  mentions,  as  far  back 
as  Biot's  classical  paper  in  the  Acadeinie  des  Inscriptions,  30th  March, 
1831  (see  pp.  597,  602-4,  «S:c.).  Biot  fully  calculated  the  details 
and  concludes  that,  owing  to  proper  motion  and  various  causes, 
Sirius  rose  heliacally  in  B.C.  3285  on  the  same  day  that  it  did  in 
Roman  times.  As  the  difference  of  365^  from  365 '242,  the  preces- 
sion, and  the  proper  motion,  have  all  been  before  those  who  have 
calculated  the  details  during  the  last  two  generations,  I  did  not 
think  it  competent  for  anyone  but  a  professed  astronomer  to  deal 
with  the  method  and  accuracy  of  Mahler's  results. 

I  should  gladly  see  anyone  examine  the  matter  again,  with  fuller 
accuracy  and  detail ;  but  the  criticisms  of  Mr.  Fotheringham  and 
Major  Conder  are  on  points  already  long  familiar  and  already  under- 
stood.  More  refinement  may  be  attained,  but  in  points  much  less 
obvious  than  these. 


T17 


xVrRiL]  SOCIETY  OF  lilHLICAL  ARCH/liOLOGV.  [1896. 


THE    BLESSING    OF    MOSES    (Deut.  xxxiii). 
By  the  Rev.  C.  J.  Ball. 

M.  =  The  iMasoietic  Text.  G.  =  The  Greek  Version.  S.  =  The  Syriac 
Version.  A.  =  The  Arabic  Version.  J.  =  Jerome  (The  Vulgate).  T.  = 
Targiim.     ma  =  The  Samaritan  Text.      a**."!".  =  The    Samaritan  Targum. 

As  the  penultimate  chapter  of  Genesis  is  mainly  occupied  by 
what  the  compiler  regarded  as  the  dying  Jacob's  blessing  of  his  sons, 
so  the  corresponding  chapter  of  Deuteronomy  gives  what  is  declared 
to  be  the  parting  benediction  of  Moses  upon  the  tribes  of  Israel. 
Though  a  younger  piece  than  the  one  we  have  already  discussed,  it 
is  hardly  less  obscure,  owing  to  manifold  corruptions  of  the  Maso- 
retic  text.  The  task  here  undertaken  is  the  difficult  but  necessary 
preliminary  to  all  true  exegesis — the  restoration,  so  far  as  possible,  of 
what  the  poet  originally  wrote,  or  may  reasonably  be  supposed  to 
have  written.  Our  resources  will  be  of  the  same  nature  as  in  the 
former  case.  Appeal  will  be  made  to  the  ancient  versions,  to  the 
indications  of  context,  to  the  laws  of  grammar  and  of  poetical  con- 
struction, and  finally  to  the  more  ancient  models  which  the  author 
evidently  followed. 

The  opening  stanza  at  once  recalls  the  great  Song  of  Deborah, 
where  the  royal  progress  of  Jahvah  from  the  mountain-sanctuary  of 
the  south  is  described  in  similar  language  (Judges  v,  4,  5).  The 
splendid  hymn  of  Habakkuk  as  obviously  echoes  the  present  strain 
(Hab.  iii,  3). 

t^!2     "^2^00     mn"^     Jahvah  from  Sinai  came, 
127    1''i^'^?3     nitl      He  rose  on  us  from  Scir ; 
T\i^'^     "in^     i^^Qin      He  shone  from  Parans  highlands, 
"ll^lp     ni'inn     nnt^l      He  fared  to  Meribah-Xadesh  -, 
J  lh     illirt^     '12"^?2'*?2      At  His  right  He  had  streaming  rays^ 
118 


•April]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

In  the  second  line  we  read  127,  to  us,  instead  of  1^27?  to^ 
them,  after  G.,   J.,  T.,  S.     In   1.  4,  we  restore    ttHp  ni'''^^,  to 

Meribah-Kadcsh  (Ezek.  xlvii,  19  ;  xlviii,  28),  in  place  of  the  meaning- 
less U^lp  n!2!l"^^2,  from  holy  myriads.  See  Ewald.  Parallelism 
demands  the  local  name,  which,  in  fact,  is  partially  preserved  by 
G.,  ovv  ^ivpiacriv  KaS>)<^,  With  the  myriads  of  Kadesh  (reading  il3,D,"13. 
or  r\3.^3.  ^  ^  Enoch  i,  9;  Jude  14,  ec  /.wpiaaiv).  See  Ex.  xvii  ; 
Num.  XX  ;    Deut.    xxxii,   51. 

The  fifth  line  might  be  regarded  as  an  early  addition,  especially 
as  nothing  satisfactory  can  be  made  of  ^ch  r\1  U,*b^  12'^?:2^?2 
(so  the  Masoretic  note  directs  us  to  read  the  line).     It  is  true  that 

T.  renders:    ^:h  ir\^  t^nn"i«  ^ilU^b^  "iiin  n-ii^D""  irS2,  A 

writing  His  right  ha?id  out  of  the  midst  of  the  f  re — a  law — gave  to  us  ; 
cf.  J.  In  dextera  ejus  ignea  lex,  In  His  right  hand  was  a  fiery  law  : 
and  the  version  in  Gesenius-Buhl^-,  Zu  seiner  Rechten  ein  Gesetzes- 
feucr  ihnen.  But  even  if  jll,  law,  the  Persian  data,  which  only 
occurs  in  such  late  books  as  Esther,  Ezra,  Daniel,  were  allowed  to 
be  possible  in  this  context,  what,  we  may  ask,  is  a  law  fire  1  It  is 
needless  to  speculate  on  the  answer.  If  1^?^^,  fire,  be  right,  it  must, 
of  course,  refer  to  the  normal  accompaniment  or  environment  of 
O.T.  theophanies;  and  Dillmann  suggested  the  correction  li^?^"!^ 
'h'  JlTcS  UJ'i^,  At  His  right  He  had  flashing  fires ;  cf.  DTD^, 
Ex.  XX,  18.  But  the  Aramaic  p»|,  "IXI?^;  f'dit,  effudit,  which  is 
used  of  the  outpouring  and  diffusion  of  light,  e.g.,  ^JOIQJ  ?&•(, 
pour  forth  thy  light!  \r^»\  (JOIQJ,  light  shed  abroad  ox  dispersed 
— a  phrase  occurring  several  times  in  Ephrem  Syrus,  who  also 
applies  the  epithet  (nk't,  late  coruscans  to  a  star,  and  uses  (ZOpjjf 
of  the  outpouring  of  light  (see  the  reff.  in  Payne  Smith), — may 
be  thought  to  justify  the  aira^  \e^/6jn.  pTH'^i^,  in  the  sense  of 
outpourings  of  light,  beams,  or  rays  {cf.  perhaps  ^^illll^b^  in 
Targ.  I  Kings  vii,  32,  sqq.  =  Heb.  r\l"l"i,  axles,  or,  as  others  have 
thought,  spokes,  radii,  of  a  wheel).  The  line  thus  becomes  synony- 
mous with  17  1T72  D^-"1p5  Hab.  iii,  4;  while  the  Aramaism  (or 
rather  perhaps  Northern  Israelitish  term)  is  nothing  wonderful  in  a 
poem  which  is  generally  admitted  to  be  of  Ephraimite,  not  Judean, 
origin:  cf.  mil^lIlSLn,  .oATfi  in  the  very  next  verse,  which 
is  likewise  a-rra^  \c^i6f.i.  in  the  O.T. ;   the  repeated  1i?2  =  ^^"f3?D r 


I IQ 


Ai'RIl]  society  of  BIBLICAL  ARCILliOLOGY.  [1896. 

lr>J^,  in  V.  13,  sqq.  ;  i;D11,>,  v.  19  ;  p^T,  v.  22  ;  and  D1"^T,  v.  23  : 
all  of  which  find  more  affinities  in  Aramean  than  in  Biblical  Hebrew. 
Perhaps,  with  T.,  we  should  read  "l^S  rather  than  y^  here  also  :  Out 
of  His  right  hand  rays  poured  on  us.  The  rays,  in  any  case,  are 
rays  of  blessing  on  Israel.  Compare  the  remarkable  Egyptian 
picture  appended  to  this  paper. 

(•);r|i^),  the  translator's  eye  having  wandered  to  V^Tp  in  the  next 
verse;  cf.  Job  xxxvi,  14,  D^U^Ipl  =  inri  (h/^icXtvi' {\)  an  error  due 
to  mispointing. 

The  next  stanza  too  has  suffered  greatly  in  the  course  of  transmis- 
sion.    We  read  : 

^QiT    lin  nh^  Yea,  He  loved  His  people ; 

^■^l    VXl^lp    T^^il  ^^l  His  saifits  He  blessed ; 

yr^yy^    Xj^TI    Dni  And  they — they  followed  after  Him  ; 

•^1^-^-y^    li.^D'^  77/cj  did  journey  on  in  His  zvays. 

In  the  first  line  *»*  has  2^^,  The  Father,  instead  of  f]t^,  also.  We 
have  followed  G-  tov  \aod  avrod  =  "j^J^,  and  prefixed  •)  to  the  next. 
D*'t2V  niight  perhaps  mean  the  clansmen,  or  tribal  warriors  {cf. 
verse  19;  and  Judges  v,  14);  and  VtlHp  may  be  equivalent  to 
*liXt?~IpT2  (Isa.  xiii,  3),  His  consecrated  ones,  i.e.,  His  warriors.  S. 
has  preserved  the  true  reading  "1"^^,  instead  of  '7"T"^2,  n,t  the  end 
of  line  2.  The  attempts  to  extract  a  reasonable  sense  out  of  lines 
3  and  4,  as  they  stand  in  the  received  text,  are  simply  exegetical 
curiosities.  I^n  is  doubtless  a  corruption  of  some  verb  of  motion, 
such  as  is  required  by  the  context,  and  suggested  by  S.  (,-»^>r^). 
The  extension  of  the  predicate  ^7^"17  {leg.  yhXr?)  almost  implies 
ISSn  or  1271  {cf.  Hab.  iii,  5  ;  i  Sam.  xxv,  42  ;  Judges  iv,  10;  v,  15). 
For  the  sing.  ^^'Vl?'',  parallelism  demands  a  plur.,  which  is  actually 
given  by  **  (l^^'C^l),  T.,  S.,  J.,  A.  The  sense  of  the  previous 
line  being.  And  they  (Jahvah's  people,  or  the  tribal  warriors)  followed 
in  Thy  (His)  train,  we  might  explain  l^^ty  after  Gen.  xxix,  1, 
*T'^3'-1  :ipi;"i  t^U?''1 ,  And  Jacob  lifted  up  his  feet,  stepped  onward. 
It  is,  however,  simpler  to  restore  IJ^D^,  they  journey  or  march  on  {cf. 
Ex.  xiv,  10);  a  term  specially  used  of  nomadic  wanderings,  like 
those  of  Israel  in  the  wilderness  (Num.  ix,  17-23).  The  scribal 
confusion   of  D,  tT,    '^   found   in    l*s.  iv,  7,  HD^   for   t^ll^i  ;  cf.  also 

120 


April]  PROCEEDINGS.  [iSc^6. 

V.  19  of  the  present  chapter,  where  "^^DU?  =  '^-iTD  =^  "^^C^i-  As  to 
the  o.Tra^  ^'^H'^'2.1t2  (G.  f'TTo  Twi'  Xo'iwv  uinov,  with  probably  correct 
suffix),  'I'^D'^ID,  (V2TT3)  '^  ''^'i  easy  correction,  so  far  as  concerns 
the  letters,  and  it  satisfies  the  context.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
reference  to  the  giving  of  the  Law,  which  we  find  in  the  Versions, 
anticipates  the  next  stanza.  The  subject  of  this  one  is  Jahvah's 
leading  His  people  through  the  wilderness  (cf.  Isa.  Ixiii,  9-14). 

The  third  stanza  (vv.  4,  5)  is  in  better  preservation  than  the 
previous  verses : 

nii?!2    IjT'    TXS"!    T\'y\r\      a  Laio  did  Moses  ordain  for  its, — 
3.pi^^     7'npT'     nil?'^'!?^      All  heirloom  for  the  assembly  of  Jacob  ; 

\70    'J1"^U?''3.    '^n'^T      Attd  a  king  was  ffiade  i?i  Jeshiirun, 
UV    ''II^^"^    riDi^iim       JVhen  the  heads  of  the  people  gathered, — 
:  ^^^■^1I>''    ''lOllI^     "ih"'      ( IVhen)    the  tribes  of  Israel  met  to- 
gether. 

In  the  second  line  we  might  also  read  2py^  n /npS  1I?"11^ 
{cf.  Isa.  xiv,  23),  or  ^pi?""  il^Hp  ntl?"^!^-  The  Masoretic  nt2^*^^^ 
'i?^  n /(Ip  is  out  of  construction.  In  the  fifth  line,  parallelism 
suggests  the  pointing  of  Ijl"^  as  an  infin.,  dependent  on  ^  repeated 
from  the  preceding  line.  Cf.  Gen.  xlix,  6  for  the  verb  in''  in  con- 
nexion with  TTlp-  ^Ve  might  even  restore  IJl^;},  supposing  3,  to 
have  fallen  out  after  the  similar  letter  ^  ;  but  this  is  not  necessary. 

The  above  three  stanzas  constitute  the  prelude  of  the  poem, 
which  presents  an  historical  retrospect.  In  the  first  stanza  Jahvah 
comes  from  His  eastern  sanctuary  (to  call  Israel  out  of  Egypt  ?  cf.  the 
narratives  of  Ex.  iii-iv;  and  Hos.  xi,  i) ;  in  the  second,  the  people 
follow  their  Divine  Leader  through  the  wilderness  ;  in  the  third, 
Moses  gives  the  Torah  (at  Sinai  or  Horeb) ;  and  lastly,  after  the 
settlement  in  Canaan,  a  king  is  chosen  by  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes, 
according  to  the  prescription  of  the  Law  (Deut.  xvii,  14  sq. — "TT^I 
is  consecutive  to  Hl!^)-  The  prelude,  therefore,  gives  a  rapid 
sketch  of  the  history  of  Israel  from  the  E.\odus  to  the  establishment 
of  the  monarchy. 

The  blessings  of  the  individual  tribes  follow.  (The  analogy  of 
the  others  makes   one  suspect  that  some  such  heading  as  il^^lT 

121 


Ai-KiL]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.-EOLOGV.  [1S96. 

I^lb^l^  "^^i^,  And  this  /ic  said  of  Reuben,  or  simply  lllh^l^  '^^t^''\ 
And  he  said  of  Reuben,  has  been  accidentally  omitted.) 

n^"*    ^t^l    l^li"^"^     TT'      Let  Reuben  live  on,  let  him  not  die 

out ! 

J  "IDD^     ^JlQ     '^n'^'l      Bui  let  him  become  a  handful  of  me7i  t 

In  M.,  the  second  line  seems  not  quite  correct  in  grammar  ;  and 
the   phrase   "ICDD  TlT^    (Gen.   xxxiv,    30;    Dent,   iv,    27)  favours 

■^n^  here  in  place  of  VJlD,  his  men.  The  line  interprets  the 
nn'^n  T'i^  of  (len.  xlix,  4  as  meaning  Become  not  abundant  or 
numerous  I  Cf  also  Isa.  x,  19.  a»  has  the  remarkable  reading 
nCD^  lili^Q  'TT''))  A/id  let  there  be  from  him  a  number !  Cf. 
G.,  nai  emic  Tro\v<i  ci>  tipiO)}/? ;  and  A.,  which  repeats  the  negative  of 
the  previous  line.  But  as  the  tribe  was  only  represented  by  a  few 
families  in  the  historical  period,  it  is  probable  that  the  view  we  have 
taken  is  correct.  Simeon  is  passed  over  altogether,  because  at  the 
time  of  the  writer  this  tribe  had  become  entirely  absorbed  by 
Judah  (cf  Josh,  xix,  1-9,  with  i  Sam.  xxvii,  6;  xxx,  30;  i  Kings 
xix,  3;  and  see  Bleek-\Vellhausen,  Einleitung,  p.  119).  G'^  drags 
him  in,  by  giving  him  the  second  line  of  Reuben's  couplet :    Koi 

"I^h^^l     nnn^^     ni^n  Andtlusofjudah.     He  said: 

7ry\rV    ^1p     T^'^TV    V^^  Hear,  Jahvah,Judah's  cry, 

■|-^^''ir\     l^i^     ^^^1  And  to  his  people  brino;  him  ! 
'h    ni'''^     "[n""        With  Thine  hands  strive  for  him, 

:  nTrn    m:^^     -S\':;i'\  And  a  Help  against  his  foes  be  Tlwuf 

I^TT     Tr\TV    "T^l      Bless,  Jahvah,  his  valour, 
\ 
rT!^"in     1^"!"'     T'i^Q'l      And  his  enterprise  favour  Thou  ! 

V?^p     □'^2ri^2  ^V\yi       Crush  the  loins  of  his  adversaries 

\  ]lQ1p''    ]C    1''t<:i!^^'1      And  his  enemies,  that  they  rise  not 

again  ! 

Contrast  the  long  blessing  of  Judah  in  Gen.  xlix.  Not  Judah 
but  Joseph  is  the  principal  tribe  in  the  present  piece — a  proof  of 
its  northern  origin.  In  the  second  line,  as  Graf  was  the  first  to 
perceive,  tlie  author  very  naturally  prays  for  the  reunion  of  the  great 

122 


April] 


PROCEEDINGS, 


[1S96. 


southern  tribe  with  "  his  people,"  the  Ten  Tribes  who  constituted 
the  mass  of  the  Israelitish  nation. 

In  the  third  hne,  I  now  follow  the  emendation  ^^"^  "["'"T"^  {^^^ 
Gesenius-Buhl^-).      M.  ^h  11  V"!'',   TJ7f/i  his  hands  he  strove  for 

himself  (not  for  it,  which  would  be  VT'i^  or  TVhl^-,  Gen.  xxvi,  2 1 ) 
violates  the  parallelism. 

Kohler's  opinion  that  v.  1 1,  now  attached  to  the  blessing  of  Levi, 
really  belongs  to  that  of  Judah,  seems  very  probable  .  h  quatrain 
is  too  short  measure  for  the  actual  importance  of  the  latter  tribe  at 
all  periods  of  Hebrew  history.  Besides,  the  verse  does  not  agree 
with  what  is  otherwise  known  about  Levi ;  while  it  forms  an 
excellent  sequel  to  v.  7.  Accidental  transpositions  are  by  no  means 
unknown  in  the  existing  text  of  the  Old  Testament. 

It  is  needless  to  read  "'ip^  with  am^  and  the  Versions  ((/. 
Ps.  iii,  8),  but  we  substitute  iQ  for  the  isolated  1^2  with  imperf. 
(*v>  actually  replaces  pt^liT  p  by  i:^*'p''  "i^,  from  Gen.  xlix,  9). 

And  of  Levi  he  said — according  to  M.,  something  which  is 
neither  clear  in  sense,  nor  correct  in  poetical  form,  however  possible 
from  the  point  of  view  of  mere  grammar.     We  propose  to  read  : — 


7^iDn  u>^«^  ^mb^"i 
7^sb^^  rr^iiDp  in^'U?'' 


Grant  unto  Levi  Thy  Tiinunini, 
And  Thy  Uriin  to  Thy  beloved^ 
Whom  Thou  didst  try  at  Massah, 
Tor    tt'hom    Thou    strovest    by    the 
2vaters  of  Me  rib  ah  : 

Who  said  of  his  father,  '  L  have  not 

seen  him  ! ' 
And  his  brethren  he  disowned. 
For  they  have  kept  Thy  command, 
And  Thy  covenant  they  observe  ; 

They  teach  Jacob  Thy  laius, 

And  Lsrael  Thy  tor  ah  ; 

They  set  on  the  incense  before  Thee, 

Aftd  the  holocaust  upon  Thine  altar. 
123 


April]  SOCIF.TY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII/l'IOLOGY.  [1896. 

The  correction  of  Stanza  I  is  based  on  G.,  which  has  AoVc  Acue} 

CtjXov^-  aVToi'  I   Kal  a\7]6ei(ii>  ainov  ric  (ire/)}  71?  uat'u'.      The  □"^'^li*^  and 

□"'T^n  ^i^Q  possibly  the  afifirmative  and  negative  answers  obtained  by 
the  priestly  lot-throwing  ;  ni^  being  connected  with  the  Assyrian 
root  ^"'i^,  whence  come  7irfu,  tcrtu,  scndifig,  message,  bidding,  oracle, 
or  perhaps  rather  with  'n^i*^  (weakened  to  "^1^^),  to  bid,  while  D'^^D 
may  mean  prohibitions,  lit.  endings,  from  D^jlj  to  come  to  an  end 
(Gen.  xlvii,  18).  Then,  by  a  natural  association,  these  terms  came 
to  denote  the  two  lots  themselves.  The  change  of  ^TDH  into 
"|''~TDn  yields  a  more  natural  construction. 

In  Stanza  II  we  have  rejected  lO^^T'l,  (Tid  of  his  mother,  as  a 
marginal  gloss  which  spoils  the  rhythm,  not  to  mention  that  it  ill 
accords  with  the  suffix  in  Vil'^i^l-  'I'he  term  *T^^^1,  and  of  thy 
mother,  is  similarly  inserted  by  ***■,  G.  in  Gen.  xlix,  26.  We  have 
also  omitted  the  line  J?T  ^^7  V21  n^^l;  And  his  sons  he  kneiu  not. 
The  fact  of  the  other  two  stanzas  being  quatrains,  is  some  slight 
presumption  that  the  second  was  such  also.  Otherwise  (and  this, 
after  all,  is  perhaps  preferable)  we  might  restore  the  Masoretic  text 
of  the  verse  somewhat  thus  : — 

i^in  "^li^  i^^  Vli^^  1?2^n       ^Vho  said  of  his  father,  'He  is  not 

my  fatJier  l' 
T\^T^\^     b^T*    l^^bl      And  of  his  7nother,  'I  have  not  seen 

her  r 
T^jPf     ^7    Vnt^    n^^l      And  his  brethren  he  07vned  not ; 
i^n^     ^^7    1'^23,    ni^l      A)id  his  sons  he  regarded  ?iot. 
^il'^^b^    n^l!?  ^:]      For  they  have  kept  Thy  command, 
\  yyiy^    'rn^li.l      And  Thy  covenant  they  observe. 

That  adhesion  to  a  Levitical  or  priestly  guild  involved,  as  we 
should  say,  renouncing  the  world,  was  natural  enough.  The  ties  of 
clan  and  kindred  no  longer  existed  for  the  man  who  was  consecrated 
to  Jahvah's  service  {cf  i  Sam.  i,  11,  22,  24,  sqq.  :  ii,  18).  This 
disregard  of  the  claims  of  blood  and  friendship  is  illustrated  by  the 
story  of  Exod.  xxxii  (see  especially,  vv.  26-29),  which  belongs  to  the 
IClohistic  or  Ephraimitic  section  of  the  Hexatcuch.  Cf.  also  Luke 
xiv,  26. 

In  Stanza  III,  1.  3,  we  restore  ^"^D^^7,  before  Thee  (i  Sam.  xxv, 

124 


ApriiJ 


PROCEEDINGS. 


[1896. 


23),  for  "TQb^l,  in  Thy  nostril.     G.,  S.,  J.,  read  IDt^^,  and  render 

in  Thine  anger,  doubtless  a  reminiscence  of  Num.  xvi,  46,  sqg.  :  but 

T.    has   "[^"Tp   and   A.  uJ^-'A.;     .a.',  I'efore  Thee. 

■1 
And  of  Benjamin  he  said  {leg.  *^y^'y,  with  ***-,  G.,  S.,  J.,  A., 

prefixing  ^  as  in  all  the  other  cases)  : 

niDlT'     ]31i^''     niri''     I'^l''     JalivaKs  beloved  shall  divell  secure  : 
□"ITI     73     'v^V     flDH      die  overshado7veth  him   all  the  day 

(i.e.,  ahvay)  ; 
:  \y^    VQH^     J''!'!      And  betwixt  his  shoulders  hath  His 
dwelling. 

We  have  omitted  V^i^  ^t  the  end  of  line  i,  with  *^,  G.,  S. 
It  spoils  both  sense  and  rhythm,  and  is  merely  an  accidental 
anticipation  of  the  same  term  in  the  next  line.  The  metre,  which 
is  the  usual  hexasyllabic,  or  perhaps  rather  triaccentual  rhythm,  may 
l)e  further  improved  by  restoring  Ht^H  (Prov.  i,  t,t,)  and  DV  without 
the  article  (Ps.  cxl,  3).  With  the  metai)horical  P]2n,  (/•  the  use  of 
nSn  in  Isa.  iv,  5.  The  phrase  (1.  3)  VCDiD  ^2  (=  upon  his 
back,  I  Sam.  xvii,  6)  refers  to  the  Temple-site  on  Mount  Zion  ; 
nri3  denoting  hill-side  or  slope  (Josh,  xv,  8,  10)  :  ef.  Q^U^, 
shoulder,  in  Gen.  xlviii,  22. 

The  oracle  about  Joseph  is  mainly  a  paraphrastic  adaptation  of 
the  easier  half  of  the  older  utterance  (Gen.  xlix,  25,  26),  only  the 
closing  stanza  being  entirely  original. 

■^Qt^      flDv'?')  And  of  Joseph  he  said  : 

^T\'i^     niH"'     r\5"ll^      Blessed  of  Jahvah  be  his  land 

With  the  bounty  of  heaven  above, 


hv^^  D^'^ii^  i:i^?2 
nnn  niJi^  Dinn  -rrir^r^i 

Dip  mn  n^ur^n^i 


And  with  the  bounty  of  the  deep  that 

coucheth  beneath, 
And  with  the  bounteous  harvests  of 

the  sun, 
And  7t'ith  the  bounteous  increase  of 

the  7noons  ; 
And  7i'ith   the   choicest  yield  of  the 

ancient  inouiitains, 
125 


April]  SOCIETV  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

nh^y    mi^n:!     "1:1^^*1      ^"'^  "^vHh  tin  bounty  of  the  eternal 

hills  ; 

ni^^^l     Y"l^^     ^yCliy\      ^"^  "^i^ilh  Hie  bounty  of  earth  and 

her  fulness, 

H-D    '^I'Zi^    T\T\'\      And  the  goodivill  of  Him  who  haunted 
the  Bush  ; 

flDV    tl^^^"!/     ri-b^in      ^^^  (^^0  ^"'"'^  ^^  Hie  head  of  Joseph, 
\  T'Xy^     1"^T-     "Tplp/I      "^'id  to  the   cro^vn   of  the   hated  oj 

his  brothers  ! 


'h  nin  -yyo  lira 
v:-ip  D«i  •'i'^p"! 

Qnct«5  mnii   dn) 


He  is  stately  as  the  firstling  of  an  ox, 
And  the  hor^is  of  the  wild-ox  are  his  ; 
IVith  them  let  him  butt  the  peoples, 
And  thrust  them  to  the  ends  of  earth  ! 
{They  are  Ephraini's  myriads, 
Yea,  they  are  Manasselfs  thousands.) 


In  1.   I   G.  t7r'  [leg.  (itt"  with  G^'')    elXo^iuf^,   pointing   n3l3.*2 

rather  unintelhgently.  In  Hne  2  n-n-o  w  p  w  i>  oi'pai'or  kui  rpdaoo, 
perhaps  reading  1^^,  season,  for  the  Aramaism  *i:i^,  i'///,  boon,  fruit 
<so  also  in  11.  4,  8 ;  r/  Num.  ix,  2,  Ka&  H^av  =  ^ly^T^^,)-  We  read 
bv^72  for  7tO!^  of  M.  and  G.,  which  spoils  the  antithesis  with 
Jinn,  1.  3  :  see  Gen.  xlix,  25.  In  1.  3  M.  has  Dinn^l  ;  but  ef 
the  preceding  and  following  lines  (also  (xen.  xlix,  25).  The  bold 
personification  of  Dllin  (Babylonian  Tiamat)  as  couchant,  like  a 
beast  of  prey,  under  the  earth,  is  misunderstood  by  G.,  which  has : 
Kiu  uTTo  uftv(7(rwi>  TTijywi'  KHTwOcif.  Posslbly  Tnjyici'  rcprcsents  a  bad 
guess  ni*n!2  {=  D^y:ir2)  for  Ji::!!'^  :  but  it  may  be  only  a  para- 
phrase, like  UTTO  avvocwi'  jLD/i'wi',  And fro)u  conjunctions  of  montJis,  i.e., 
perhaps  the  monthly  conjunctions  of  the  sun  and  moon,  1.  5.  Of 
course,  parallelism  requires  a  meaning  for  U?"^^  corresponding  to 
that  of  Jl^l^n  in  the  former  line.  According  to  Barth,  the  root 
U?"1^  =  ^-^  which  is  used  of  the  dawn  going  forth ;  12?'^^  therefore 

is  7vhat  springs  forth  ;   cf.     j^^ ,   herbs  or  leguminous  plants  (f  the 

126 


April]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

autumn  and  spring :  see  Lane.  Q'^ni^  XI^^^  will  thus  be  mojithly 
growth  or  produce,  probably  of  the  pastures,  as  '^lyO  T\\i^'2.T\  are 
the  annualcrops  or  harvest  of  cereals.  But  the  entire  couplet  is 
strange,  as  an  interpretation  of  the  single  line  nrfm  D^"Ttt^  n^'^H, 
Blessings  (i.e.  gifts)  of  the  breasts  and  womb,  Gen.  xlix,  25.  Considering 
that  QTI"^^— anciently  written  Oni^ — closely  resembles  Qn"Tl,  and 
that  a  half-effaced  Q^TIl?  might  have  suggested  lIT^tl^,  it  seems 
likely  that  the  poet's  MS.  of  his  model  was  imperfect  at  this  point, 
and  that  he  had  to  guess  at  the  text  of  Gen.  xlix,  much  as  we 
have  to  do  in  dealing  with  his  own  piece. 

The  only  way  of  escaping  this  assumption  is  to  suppose  that  the 
Xy"C^^  ^\'^^^'^ln  And  the  □TT^''  Uri:i  denote  births  {cf.  Gen.  xviii,  10, 
n^n  ni^3) ;    but  this  is   unlikely  in  face  of  the  ordinary    use   of 

As  regards  the  next  couplet,  the  model  passage  (Gen.  xlix,  26") 
has  n^n^,  blessings  {i.e.,  gifts,  Gen.  xxxiii,  11),  where  the  imitation 
has  1I^^^"1  ;  and  the  former  has  ill^il  (n^b^ri  ?)  things  desired 
{cf.  Gen.  iii,  6),  where  the  latter  has  1^^^  largess,  boon,  or  bounty. 
But  everywhere  else  in  the  present  passage  1^?2  is  the  equivalent  of 
ri3n3,.  It  thus  appears  (i)  that  the  parallel  terms  of  the  original 
are  transposed  in  the  copy;  (2)  that  ri3"^2,  which  was  assumed  to 
be  corrupted  from  DT^^  in  my  paper  on  Gen.  xlix,  probably  stood 
in  the  MS.  which  lay  before  the  later  poet ;  (3)  that  if  mt^il  was 
really  parallel  to  jH^ll  in  the  original  text  of  Gen.  xlix,  it  must, 
after  all,  have  meant  objects  of  desire,  prizes,  and  not  peaks,  hill-tops ; 
and  (4)  that  Xl^h^'^  in  the  present  passage  should  probably  be 
rr^ll^i^^,  best  products,  prime  yield  (cf.  Assyr.  risitu,  said  of  wine, 
dates,  etc.).  However,  D'^nn  12?^^*^  might  be  either  the  highest  or 
the  chief  of  the  mountains  (Isa.  ii,  2);  and  our  couplet  may  once 
have  run 

mp    nnn    Xr>«^^1      A>id  with  the  highest  of  the  ancient 

mountains, 

37li;    nii^n:i     ahrD^l      And  with  the  loftiest  of  the  eternal 

hills  ; 

The  fertile  hills  of  Ephraim  being  considered  a  special  "blessing" 
or  gift  from  God  to  the  country,  as  they  were  at  once  its  glory  and 
Its   defence.      G.  has    uirh    KOjw^^>i   in  both  lines  ;  which  suggests 

127  K 


A.i'RiL]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.^iOLOGV.  [1S96. 

l'Pl'P72i  instead  of  "t:i^^  as  the  parallel  to  IZ^b^ll^ :  cf.  the 
Talmudic  phrase  "^nir^  h^tl^  M^^p^  i^^UT,  ^o/io  cometh  from  the 
top  of  the  wilderness. 

There  is  no  counterpart  to  the  next  couplet  in  Gen.  xlix, 
25,  26. 

In  1.  10,  M.  nn^^1D,n  seems  to  be  an  error  of  transcription  for 
nZ^liri-  The  model  passage,  Gen.  xlix,  26,  with  which  this 
otherwise  agrees  word  for  word,  has  'I'^'^nrij  which  is  synomymous. 
So  G.  eXOoiaav.  Barth  has  ingeniously  argued  for  a  root  ^^^jH  = 
Assyr.  ///w,  and  considers  nn^^lin  ^  perf.  3  fem.  sing.,  like 
nr\t^7Q3,    2   Sam.   i,    26.        But  the  evidence  of  G.,  T.,  S.,  J. 

and  the  parallel  passage  is  against  a  perf. ;  and  both  here  and  in 
I  Sam.  XXV,  34;  Job  xxii,  21,  the  forms  are  plainly  corrupt.  (May 
not  the  anomalous  nHi^inri  be  due  to  amalgamation  of  't^liri 
with  a  marginal  'njl,  that  is,  il-"''^!!]!  ?  Possibly  only  t^liri,  let  it 
cfliJie,  originally  stood  here.) 

In  M.,  the  first  line  of  the  concluding  stanza  runs  :  TlIU^  m^l 
17  "nn,  The  firstlifig  of  his  ox  hath  stateliness ;  but  this  does 
not  suit  the  context,  which  requires  a  reference  to  Joseph  himself: 
see  the  parallel  stichus,  And  the  horns  of  a  wild  ox  are  his.    *>*  "S^^, 

omitting  the    suffix  ;    and  so  G.,  Tr/iwToroko'-;   -ravpov    to    a:«/\Xov    avroi'y 

The  firstling  of  a  hull— such  is  his  beauty  I  S.,  J.,  also  rightly  omit 
the  suffix. 

In  M.,  the  next  couplet  appears  thus  :  'Sr\T^  XMT*  D'^T^i^  DHZl 
Vli^  "'DOt^     ^Vitli  than  he  butteth  the  peoples  together — the  ends  of  the 

earth ;  which  is  incoherent  as  well  as  unmetrical.  The  corruption  is 
older  than  G.  ;  but  rhythm  and  sense  are  easily  restored  by  reading 
nni"',  or  rather  JlTI,  and  taking  in  "TJ^  from  G.  (ea-*.-  tV  uKpov  779), 
T.,  S.,  J.  NVith  the  sense,  cf.  Zedekiah's  prophecy  to  Ahab 
before  the  battle  of  Ramoth-Gilead  (i  Kings  xxii,  1 1) :  "With  these 
(iron  horns)  shalt  thou  butt  the  Syrians." 

lliey  (i.e.,  the  horns)  are  Ephraini's  myriads, 
And  they  are  Manasselfs  thousands. 

This  explanatory  distich  may  be  an  early  interpolation.  It 
certainly  weakens  the  effect  of  the  spirited  lines  which  precede  it 
(M.,  Dill  in  1.   I  :   but  '^  G.,  S.,  J.,  DH  rightly,  no  doubt). 

128 


April]                                       I'ROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

1t2t^  ]^")1^^')  And  of  Zeluiliin  he  said: 

'VTSi^l^    'I7IIT    nDtl^  Rejoice,  O  Zebulun,  in  thy  galleys^ 

T^TTTi^D,    ^Dtl^tl?'"^')  ■^'^'^  Issachar  in  thy  tents  ! 

1i^"lD    Tyyr\     D"^7;2V  "^^^^  dans  to  the  mountain  call  ye  ; 

T^^l    "^riD.T    in^.t'^     D\I^  There  let  them  offer  duteous  offerings  / 

IM"''^     D''?^'^     yDXfc^    '^!D  F<-^^  they  suck  the  abundance  of  the  sea y 

vin    "^^IT^IS     1!^?;2'^T  ^//rf'  drain  the  treasures  of  the  shore. 

In  1.  I  the  received  reading  is  T|rii^!i^ ,  /-'-'  Thy  goijig  forth ; 
which  might  refer  either  to  warHke  expeditions  (i  Sam.  viii,  20; 
Amos  V,  3),  or  to  trading  voyages  by  sea.  The  parallel  passage  in 
Gen.  xlix,  13  suggests  the  latter  sense.  It  also  suggests  the  change 
in  the  points  which  we  have  adopted.  Ships  are  evidently  a  better 
contrast  to  tents  than  an  abstract  term  like  going  forth.  It  is  true 
that  n«l*  (for  ni'';?  =  a^^!^,  Isa.  xxxiii,  21;  Dan.  xi,  30)—^ 
"rni*^^!^!,  in  one  MS.  of  *»* — adds  another  to  the  isolated  expres- 
sions of  the  poem  ;  but  that  is  hardly  an  insuperable  objection.  If 
it  be  felt  so,  we  may  restore  '7"'"'!J!I1,  or  even  the  term  used  in  Gen. 
xlix,  13,  'T\n''2^^!2-  The  imitation  or  paraphrase  of  the  older 
passage  is  evident  also  in  the  closing  couplet  (Q''?^''  and  "''in  = 
?|in) ;  a.s  well  as  in  the  contrast  between  Zebulun's  seafaring 
activity  and  the  preference  of  his  fellow-tribe  for  a  home-life  of  quiet 
ease  (Gen.  xxv,  27,  D'^^nt^  11L*'',  of  Jacob).  Issachar's  inertia  is. 
not,  however,  made  a  reproach  as  in  the  more  ancient  poem. 

In  1.  3  we  have  substituted  ^^^"Ip  "^lO  ^'^^  M.  I^^'^pi  "1^7 . 
Though  the  change  is  not  absolutely  necessary,  it  seems  to  improve  the 
sense.  The  holy  hill,  whither  the  two  neighbour-tribes  repair  to  worship, 
is  not  Zion,  as  T.  naturally  understands,  but  probably  Carmel  by  the 
sea,  where  Elijah  offered  his  memorable  sacrifice  {cf  the  next  couplet), 
or  else  Tabor.  G.  tOvrj  c^oXeepcvaovaiv  —  y^^'y'^  C^^i^;  which, 
shows  that  TVyn  was  not  understood.  ^  too  reads  I'^H  ;  doubtless 
because  H  n,nd  "^  are  often  confused  in  the  old  writing. 

In  my  paper  on  Gen.  xlix,  I  showed  that  the  last  line  may  refer 
partly  to  the  wealth  gained  by  dealing  in  the  famous  purple  dye  of 
the  Phoenician  shore,  and  noted  an  undesigned  coincidence  in  the 
name  of  the  leading  clan  of  Issachar,  viz.  J?7')n  (Gen.  xlvi,  13), 
which  is  the  word  for  the  purple  fish,  and  purple  robes  (Isa.  i,  18  ;. 

129  K  2 


April]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.-EOLOGY.  [1896. 

Lam.  iv,  5).  But  the  Hebrew  of  M.,  h^Tl  ^2^^l2  ^2^^^,  is  not 
quite  satisfactory.  The  «V.  X67.  ^2^'^  seems  to  he  explained  by  the 
commoner  ^21DtO  ;  but  what  we  really  desiderate  is  a  verb  parallel 
to  IpZ^'^-  IDDII^^j  ^«^  shall  pour  out  or  heap  up,  resembles  '^2D\2?1 ; 
but  "1!^^'^1,  a)id  press  out,  drink  dry,  agrees  better  with  the  context. 

(G.,  Vf/J  efi'n-ofJia  —(i/jd\toi'  kutoikovvtioi'  =  ?)  iH  "'^^t!)  ^jl^tO")  ;   cf.  Gen. 

xlix,  13,  ZajiovXicv  —(t/)a\iov  icaroiictjaii .  Thus  G.  Understood  a 
reference  to  maritime  trade  in  our  passage.) 

-]^    n^ni?:!)    "Tl"^^      ^A'.f^^^  l^e  He  7vho  broadeneth  the 
bounds  of  Gad  ! 

pli!^     t^'^D,  v'iS      ^^^^  ^^^^  lioness  he  settled  down  ; 
1T)1'0     7\^     3)TTf     r]"^I5      ff^  mangled  arm  and  head. 

"h    y^t^     n"''C>b^"1     ^^"1"'')      Atid  he  chose  him  the  first-fruits  of 

the  land  ; 

ppp^    npTTf     U^    ''D      ^^f"  there  zvas  the  leader's  lot. 
iDi^n     ll^i*^'^!     t^rr^T      And  he  came  as  the  people's  head : 
X^'^V    nin'^     nbl!^     JahvalCs  righteous  acts  he  7vrought, 
:  bt^")117''     i2V    1"'I;3DU;'?31      And  His  judgments  with  Israel. 
Cf.  The  half-poetical  fragment  about  the  Gadite  warriors  who 
joined    David    at    Ziklag,    i    Chron.    xii,    8  :     Dn^:i:    H^^^^    ^rCl 
■^rr^^   □''"inn  'ri-*  □"^^IllOl,    Their  looks  zvere  those  of  the  lion, 
And  like  deer  on  the  hills  zvere  they  for  speed ;  as  also  what  is  said  of 
judah,  Gen.  xlix,  9. 

In  1.  2  we  have  pointed  i^'^i~'D,  to  the  advantage  of  the  rhythm. 
In  1.  3,  ^  reads  V^^  instead  of  ?]'^t^^,  and  so,  apparently, 
G.  {nvvTpiy^iis).  Cf.  Driver,  Tenses,  chap,  ix,  The  Perfect  ivith 
Weak  Wa7v. 

The  next  lines  appear  thus  in  M.  and  G.  respectively  : 

TiM^y  mn''  npi!*    /^iK<iii>nvvip'  kv/>iov  c~t>itj(Tti> 

130 


April]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

The  redundancy  of  the  rhythm  brings  suspicion  on  the  second 
hne ;  and,  apart  from  the  question  of  rhythm,  no  translation  that 
can  be  suggested  commends  itself  to  an  unfettered  judgment.  The 
notion  of  the  Targums  and  Rashi,  accepted  by  Ewald  and  Diestel, 
that  pDD  pipr\12  is  ^/le  /u'dden  (i.e.  buried)  Lazi{s;iver,  meaning 
Moses  (Deut.  xxxiv,  6),  is  very  surprising  in  the  context,  and  utterly 
preposterous  on  the  supposition  that  the  words  are  spoken  by  Moses 
himself.  The  rendering  in  Gesenius-Buhl  12  ;  Er  sah  dass  dori 
ein  Fiihrerteil  aufbewahrt  sei,  He  saw  that  a  leader's  portion  7C'as 
tliere  reserved,  ignores  the  division  of  the  stichi.  Both  take 
pDD  {pannelled ;  i  Kings,  vii,  7  ;  Hag.  i,  4)  as  equivalent  to 
pD!J-  There  can  be  no  question  whatever  that  M.  is  unsound. 
The  second  line  of  G.  seems  to  imply  V^^^  npyPf  QII^  ^^ 
DppnO  ;  i^nd  as  Jl"'1fc?i^*1  requires  a  defining  genitive,  we  transfer 
Vni^  to  1.  I  ;  thus  getting  the  more  satisfactory  distich — 

And  he  chose  him  the  first-fruits  of  the  land, 
For  there  was  the  leader's  lot. 

The  historical  allusion  is  to  the  circumstance  related  in  Num. 
xxxii ;  Deut.  iii,  12,  etc.  The  bene  Gad  chose  the  land  on  the  east 
of  Jordan,  which,  as  the  first  to  be  conquered,  might  be  called  the 
first-fruits  of  the  whole  country ;  and  the  tribe  had  a  right  to  this 
first  choice,  as  having  been  foremost  in  the  strife,  according  to  the 
character  ascribed  to  its  warriors,  i  Chron.  xii,  8  {cf  also  the 
episode,  i  Chron.  v,  19-22). 

The  third  line  in  G. — avv^'i^itmcv  '/ijnd  apxvi'^^'^  \au'i' — possibl}' 
indicates  the  Hebrew  (D'')r2V  ^U^t^l  {Qy)  pDDt^il^l  ;  (f-  v.  5'', 
supra,  where  Q^?  ''\^''^^1  ?lD^?nn3,is  rendered  a-virnxOci'Twi'  apxoi^Twi' 
\au)v.  Thus  G.  will  have  either  read  or  conjectured  pCD^^n'^'l 
for  the  meaningless  i^n"^1  pDD  of  M.,  as  another  member  of  this 
Society,  Dr.  Hayman,  has  pointed  out  in  a  paper  which  I  have  not 
had  the  good  fortune  to  see.  Perhaps,  however,  what  the  version 
of  G.  really  presupposes  is  rather  Q^  '^1I?h5")  Di^  ?]D^^nni,  the 
p  of  p2D  being  a  vestige  of  the  D  of  the  particle  DJ7.  In  that 
case,  the  line  certainly  resembles  an  interpolation,  based  on  v.  5''. 
At  all  events,  it  does  not  well  cohere  with  what  precedes  and  follows 
it,  whichever  correction  we  adopt.  But  if  we  reject  pDD  (  =  tlQlJ) 
as  a  gloss  on  Q'C?,  which  was  misread  by  the  glossator  Qt,"'  or  QtT, 

131 


April]  SOCIETY  OF  15IBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGV.  [1896. 

laid  up,  and  restore  U^^^niH  in  place  of  ^^i^H,  we  at  least  get  a 
sense  which  agrees  with  the  context  and  with  the  history  ;  for  the 
tribe  of  Oad,  after  having  demanded  for  its  own  territory  the  first- 
fruits  of  concjuest  (which  was  the  leader's  natural  domain  for  the 
further  reason  that  it  was  exposed  to  the  brunt  of  hostile  attack  from 
without,  as  being  the  borderland), 

.   .  lurought  JahvaJi's  righteous  deeds, 
And  His  decrees  with  Israel  : 

that  is  to  say,  like  Dan  according  to  the  parallel  passage,  (len.  xlix, 
16,  Gad  was  a  champion  of  Israel's  rights,  which  he  nobly  vindicated 
against  the  national  enemies.  This  he  did  in  the  first  instance,  by 
passing  over  the  Jordan  at  the  head  of  the  other  tribes  to  the 
conquest  of  Canaan  (Num.  xxxii,  17,  sqq.,  and  parallel  passages. 
For  ]ip"!!J  rather  than  n)2"T!J)  see  Judges  v,  11).  The  construction 
ir^«^n  t^n^l  (DVn,  ^;  D^r^V,  "the  dans,"  or  "tribes"?  G.)  is 
like  ^^11''  p;ra,  Isa.  xl,  10  ;  cf.  also  Ex.  vi,  3. 

n^^^  ]1^"1  A?id  of  Dan  he  said  : 

rT'li^     "11^     ]1      Dan  is  the  lion's  ivhelp  : 
lli^nn     10     p2P      Making  his  spring  from  Bashan. 

In  the  first  line,  what  the  older  poet  had  said  of  Judah  is  said 
of  Dan.  In  the  second,  as  I  pointed  out  before,  reference  is 
made  to  Laish,  the  northern  settlement  of  the  tribe ;  and  as  laish 
is  one  of  the  Hebrew  terms  for  lion  (Job  iv,  11),  there  seems  to  be 
an  allusion  to  the  local  name  ;  an  allusion  which  would  prove,  if 
proof  were  otherwise  wanting,  that  the  distich  cannot  have  been 
written  before  the  conquest  of  Laish  by  the  Danites  (Judges  xviii). 
^  G.   read  p:n   in  1.  2. 

"1^^     ''^nC-'?!  And  of  Naphtali  he  said: 

p!il    i^llt^    "^TiliDi      Naphtali,  be  sated  with  favour, 

T\"\TV^    rCiy^.    i^^^l      And  be  full  of Jahvah's  blessing! 

(:  ';y'")'»"i   ai")"!"!   D'')    (^^^^  ^'^^^  ^"^  ^^^^  ^^^^^^^  (^/'O  ^'^ 

shall  possess.) 

The  general  sense  of  the  utterance  corresponds  with  that  of 
Naphtali's   distich    in   (ien.   xlix.     The   third   line   seems  to   be  an 

132 


April]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

early  interpolation,  like  the  one  in  Gen.  xlix,  13.  It  is  a  somewhat 
prosaic  geographical  determination,  and  as  such  unique  in  the 
entire  poem.  The  lake  is,  of  course,  Cinneroth  or  Gennesaret 
{cf.  Josh,  xix,   34  ;    i    Kings  xv,   20),  as  T.  renders  ("^Dli''^  D"*)- 

In  1.  3  'C^'l''''  is  the  reading  of  ^,  as  also  of  G.,  S.,  T.,  J.  The 
received  Heb.  text  is  HU^T,  possess  thou  !  but  the  precative  form 
of  the  imperative  seems  inappropriate  here. 

In  1.  I,  G.  rather  absurdly  pronounced  V5^  -irX^af.ioin],  instead 
of  i^lto,  which  might  be  either  an  imperative,  or  stat.  constr.  of 
the  verbal  adj.  ^i^  ■  In  1.  2,  M.  points  i^S?^,  but  t^^^  imperat. 
seems  preferable.     A.  has  imperat.  in  all  three  lines. 

"^l^i^     "Ili^^7l  And  of  Asher  he  said : 

'^'^     Q^J^^    TT^^      Most  blessed  of  sons  be  Asher ! 

Vni^    '''1!^"^    Tl''      Let    him    be    the  favoured  of  his 
brothers  ! 
\'hT\    p^n    Tntp"!      And  let  him  dip  his  foot  in  oil! 

The  verse  turns  on  the  idea  that  "lU^^^  means  the  Happy,  Fortunate^ 
MaKapto^ ;  cf.  Leah's  utterance  at  his  birth  (Gen.  xxx,  13),  and 
Jacob's  (Gen.  xlix,  20),  with  which  this  opening  triplet  agrees  in 
sense. 

G.  renders  1.  2 :  Ka<  ea-rai  BeKjo^  Toh  aoeA0o?¥  ainov,  and  similarly 
S.,  T.,  J.  ;  cf   Esth.   X,   3,   where  Mordecai  is  said  to  have  been 

THi^  ^1  /  '^1!^'^,  popular  with  the  mass  of  his  brethren. 

In  1.  3  we  point   73,131  instead  of  7l't£)1  •     G.   ^a^^i  suggests 

7215"'.  For  the  sense,  we  may  recall  what  is  said  of  Judah  in 
Gen.  xlix.  : 

He  shall  tether  his  ass  colt  to  the  vine  .  .  . 
He  shall  wash  his  apparel  in  wine. 

As  the  fruit  of  the  vine  in  Judah,  so  the  yield  of  the  olive  in  Asher 
is  to  be  so  plenteous  that  it  may  be  used  for  the  commonest 
purposes,  such  as  bathing  the  feet,  or  perhaps  trodden  under  foot  as 
a  thing  of  no  account.  Most  likely,  however,  the  reference  is  simply 
to  the  soil  itself,  which  is  so  rich  that  to  walk  on  it  is  like  wading 
in  oil  {cf  Deut.  xxxii,  13;  Job  xxix,  6).     The  term  t)T\  suggests 


April]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

an  allusion  to  ■^'H*^    sfcj^,  and   thus  another  possible   play  on   the 

name  "lU^^^. 

The  next  couplet  (v.  25)  is  very  obscure,  owing  to  corruption 
of  the  text.      M.  runs  : — 

^bi^^O     rrC^nil     T'f^l      iron  and  bronze  thy  \\\\x\i\\ 

•  ^^3,"^     ■T^?2'^3'l      -^''d  as  thy  days  thy  dobe. 

Neither  mi}idl  nor  dbhc  occurs  elsewhere.  G.  (to  vTrdfij/na  uinod) 
S.  (;,*l£Qk>),  J.  {^calceavientuvi  ejus),  connect  7i^2^  with  h^2,sanda/. 
But  iron  and  bronze  are  more  usually  spoken  of  in  connection  with 
bars  and  doors  {e.g.,  Ps.  cvii,  16  ;  Isa.  xlv,  2) ;  and  it  is  easy  to  read 
^"•^^2^,  ^/(y  ^^^^'-s",  or  V^P^P,  hts  bolts  (Cant,  v,  5  ;   Nch.  iii,  3-6). 

This  is  supported  by  A.  (lI^^aJU,*,  thy  locks)  and  by  ^  (f^pi^JQ, 
thy  bars).  The  next  line  must  correspond,  even  at  the  sacrifice  of 
the  beautiful  but  not  parallel  sentiment,  A7id  as  thy  days  so  shall  thy 
strength  be,  which  we  find  in  G.,  S.  (and  practically  in  A.,  T.)- 
These  Versions  took  ^i^^LT  to  mean  thy  strength,  perhaps  reading 
or  guessing  ^TJ^D-  J.,  Sicut  dies  juventutis  tuae,  ita  et  senectiis  tua, 
seems  to  depend  on  T.  "[Dpil  "[niT^'^IJ^  ''?2V:]') ,  And  as  the 
days  of  thy  youth  thy  strcngtii  {shall  be);  *77)^2?2<  in  the  former 
line,  having  suggested  'T'^'^J^^^,  from  thy  youth,  to  the  Targumist. 
^53,1  has  no  discoverable  kindred  in  the  cognate  languages, 
unless  we  may  compare  the  Assyrian  ^1^  ]^T\  ^*~  dibbu,  a 
synonym  of  daltii"\  "door"  (2  R.,  xxiii,  3,  cd.).  But  the  reading 
of  MA  is  '7'^Iin,  an  easy  corruption  of  "T'^H,  thy  bars  (Job  xvii,  16). 
Iro9i  and  brofize  thy  bolts  |  And  ....  thy  bars :  what  is  to  take  the 
place  of  ■7''?2''D  ?  In  default  of  anything  better,  we  suggest  '^^?2'C*2 
(Jer.  xvii,  i  ;  Ezek.  iii,  9),  and  read  : 

vhv^T^    nil^n^l     h'^'y'2.      iron  and  bronze  be  his  bolts, 

•  "^l-y^,    "^^?2U?'21      -^'^^  ^^^'^  adamant  his  bars  ! 

For  the  second    line,   other  possible   emendations  occur,   e.g.y 
'^\^  Vn"5:n,  And  ins  bars  eternal  {cf.^wm.  xxiv,  21,  '"^nU^ID  ]n''t^  ; 

Neh.  iii,  3,  Trfll")  V^li^I^)-  Whatever  be  thought  of  either  of 
these  two  suggestions,  the  context  and  general  usage  demand  some 
such  sense,  which  is  appropriate  also  to  Asher's  position,  reaching 

134 


April] 


PROCEEDINGS. 


[1896. 


northwards  to  the  very  gates  of  the  land  of  Israel,  of  which  the 
tribe  might  very  naturally  be  conceived  as  warder. 

We  have  come  to  the  concluding  strophe  ;  a  spirited  address  to 
Israel,  felicitating  the  nation  on  its  prosperity  and  security  through 
the  favour  of  Jahvah. 


Dip  ^nhvi  hvr2r2 


There  is  7ione  like  El,  O  Jeshiiritn  ! 
Who  rideth  heaven  as  thy  Helper, 
And  the  clouds  as  thine  Exalter. 


tz^i'i^n'i  ]:n  ph^  Sir 


10 


Above  was  the  God  of  old. 
And  beneath  were  the  Arms  eternal : 
He  drove  out  the  foe  before  thee, 
He  bade  {thee)  'Destroy  ." 

So  Israel  divelt  secu?'e — 
Alone  the  folk  of  Jacob  ; 
In  a  land  of  corn  and  wine — 
Yea,  the  heavens  drop  de7v. 

O  happy  !  zvho  is  thy  peer  ? 

Thou  people  saved  by  Jahvah, 

Who  is  the  Shield  of  thine  help. 

And  the  Sivord  of  thine  exaltation  ; 

So  that  thy  foes  fnt'fi  upon  thee, 

And  thou — thou    walkest    on    their 
highplaces. 

imply  the  pointing  i^^/  (^^'^'^  ^^'^ 
God  of  Jeshnrun  ;  cf,  Ps.  xxix,  3  ;  xciv,  i) ;  but  the  sequel  favours  M. 
In  1.  3  we  read  ^nit^^!!  instead  of  imb?^!!,  as  the  parallelism 
seems  to  demand;  cf.  lines    14,  15,  where  "Wy  and  Hli^^  are  again 

parallel  terms.  In  1.  4,  7i??2  or  rather  ~>'^12'i2,  above,  must  be 
restored  in  place  of  n^i^Q,  dwelling,  haunt  (of  God;  Ps.  Ixxvi,  3), 
lair  (of  wild  beasts  ;  Amos  iii,  4),  as  the  parallel  expression  Jinjnt^ 
indicates  (7ir?2^  should  also  be  read  for  7i?^,  Gen.  xxvii,  39; 
xlix,  25  ;  see  Gesenius  Buhl^",  p.  574).      Cf.  J.  :  Habifaculuni  ejjis 

135 


iri'imrDn  Si;  nns^i 

In  1.  I,  G.,  J.,  S.,  T.,  A. 


April]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILLOLOGY.  [1896. 

sursum.  Et  subter  brachia  sempiterna  ;  which  shows  that  the  need 
of  the  antithetical  term  was  felt.  G.,  kiu  aKn-aaci  o-f,  apparently 
guessing  pi^^  from  p^»,  in  the  sense  of  ovcrshadoiving  with  clouds. 
Kuenen's 

A  place  of  refuge  is  the  God  of  old, 

Aud  the  stretching  out  of  the  eternal  arms. 

(pointing  jinnp,  from  nn^,  ausspannen,  Lsa.  xl,  22)  is  ingenious 
but  not  convincing-  With  the  phrase  D71i?  Pi^lt,  cf.  Gen.  xlix,  24, 
^^"I'C?^  "y^V  ""i^^T^,   By  the  arms  of  the  Helper  of  Israel. 

In  1.  9,  Q^;,  people,  for  *^)^ •,  fountain,  is  an  easy  and  natural 
correction,  as  in  several  other  O.T.  passages.  TT2.  is  joined  with 
ni52  as  in  Ps.  iv,  9.  In  1.  10,  M.,  7^^  for  73^ ;  a  common  clerical 
error.     G.  has  e-/  ^yv^  transferred  to  the  ])receding  line. 

In  1.  1 1  we  substitute  D'^':2tZ^  for  T^^^'iJJ^,  his  heavens,  which  is 
unique  ;  although  "["^^21^*,  thy  heavens,  occurs  Deut.  xxviii,  23,  and 
elsewhere,  and  ^  has  it  here. 

As  it  stands  in  M,  the  final  hexastich  is  defective,  both  metrically 
and  in  point  of  grammatical  construction.  We  have  omitted 
7^^'TC?''  after  '-^nU.''i^  as  an  interpolation.  ^  has  i?U?"i:n  for  i?"lZ?"i:  ; 
and  in  the  last  line,  Qntll  for  I^TilQ!!-  In  M.,  1.  15  begins 
2.'^n  TC^^^I  ;  but  as  the  preceding  line  is  too  short,  we  have 
transferred  the  relative  particle  "^117^^  (pronounced  ir)  to  that 
place.  Robertson  Smith  rendered  lines  14,  15  "Whose  help  is 
the  shield,  whose  pride  is  the  sword"  {Prophets,  p.  119);  but  </ 
lines  2,  3;  Ps.  xxxiii,  20  ;  cxv,  9,  10,  11.  In  1.  16  M.  points 
Vkl^TO"^")  ;  and  perhaps  Ps.  xviii,  45  ;  Ixvi,  3,  &c.,  should  be  pointed 
so,  rather  than  as  Pi'el  {cf  2  Sam.  xxii,  45,  Hithpa  el).  In  the  last 
line  G.  may  be  right  with  c~\  tov  ipayrff^ov  uh-rihv  =  Qh^ll!^  7i?, 
giving  the  sense,  And  thou — thou  treadest  on  their  neck  (Josh,  x,  24) : 
yet  cf.  Deut.  xxxii,  13;  Hab.  iii,  19. 


It  is  evident  that  this  ancient  poem,  which  we  have  now  examined 
with  some  care,  neither  has  nor  makes  any  claim  to  be  the  work  of 
Moses.  We  may  go  further,  and  say  that  the  anonymous  author, 
so  far  from  personating  Moses,  as  he  might  have  done  without 
reproach,  had  he  chosen  to  make  the  great  Lawgiver  the  mouth- 
piece of  his  sentiments,  plainly  refers  to  Moses  (v.  4)  as  a  hero  of 

136 


April] 


PROCEEDINGS. 


[1896. 


the  far-off  past,  in  the  brief  retrospect  of  Israel's  history  which 
forms  the  prelude  to  his  poem.  No  secret  is  made  of  the  fact  that 
the  writer  lived  at  a  period  later  than  that  of  the  Judges  (v.  22  ;  cf. 
Judg.  xviii) ;  later  than  that  of  the  first  institution  of  the  monarchy 
(v.  5) ;  later  than  the  building  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  (v.  12)  : 
later  even  than  the  division  of  the  kingdom  (v.  7).  In  contrast  with 
Gen.  xlix,  Joseph,  not  Judah,  is  here  the  predominant  figure,  a  fact 
which  indicates  that  the  author  belonged  to  the  kingdom  of  the 
Ten  Tribes.  This  is  further  confirmed  by  the  occasional  Aramaisms 
of  the  piece,  as  also  by  the  aspiration  for  the  reunion  of  Judah 
with  Israel  (v.  7).  The  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  though  mentioned  with 
special  distinction  (v.  12),  is  not  the  only  lawful  place  of  sacrificial 
worship.  The  tribes  of  Zebulun  and  Issachar  have  their  own  holy 
mountain,  where  they  offer  grateful  dues  to  Jahvah  (v.  19).  The 
poet  everywhere  evinces  an  enthusiastic  confidence  in  Jahvah's 
protection  of  His  people  ;  and  is  wholly  unconscious  of  any  national 
disloyalty  to  the  national  God.  His  utterances  thus  stand  in 
conspicuous  contrast  to  those  of  the  poet  of  ch.  xxxii,  and  to  those  of 
the  great  prophets  of  Judah.  He  probably  lived  in  the  prosperous 
times  of  Jeroboam  II,  in  the  first  half  of  the  eighth  century  b.c. 
What  is  said  of  Judah,  v.  7  [v.  11],  need  not  at  all  imply  that  the 
fortunes  of  the  tribe  were  at  a  low  ebb,  but  rather  that  it  was 
engaged  in  vigorous  warfare  (see  2  Chron.  xxvi  and  xxvii),  upon 
which  the  northern  poet  looked  with  a  friendly  eye  and  good  wishes 
for  the  success  of  a  kindred  people. 


'37 


Ai'RiL]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGV.  [1896. 


SOME  REMARKS  ON  THE  SEPULCHRAL  FIGURES 
USUALLY  CALLED  USHABTL 

By    E.    TowRV    Whyte,    M.A.,    F.S.A. 

The  word  i/s/ia/ifi,  which  is  translated  as  meaning  "Respondant'"(?), 
or  the  one  who  answers,  is  generally  applied  to  the  small  figures  of 
mumnn'es  found  in  the  tombs,  either  placed  in  wooden  boxes  or 
merely  laid  on  the  floor.  Sometimes  they  were  placed  inside  the 
sarcophagus  or  coffin,  and  in  the  tomb  of  Horuta,  a  priest  of  the 
XXVIth  dynasty,  found  by  Dr.  Petrie,  there  were  399  built  up  in  rows 
in  the  wall ;  but  this  method  of  depositing  them  is  unusual,  if  not 
unicjue.  They  are  frequently  found  in  great  numbers  all  together,  as 
for  instance  nearly  700  were  found  in  the  tomb  of  Seti  I ;  many  of 
them  inscribed  with  his  name  and  titles.  The  wealthy  classes  nearly 
always  had  a  large  number  deposited  with  them  in  their  tombs,  and 
even  the  every  poorest  managed  usually  to  get  some  buried  with 
them.  As  might  be  expected,  the  iishahti  exhibit  great  variety  of 
manufacture  :  those  for  the  wealthy  being  often  beautifully  finished 
and  decorated;  whilst  those  for  the  lower  class  are  frecjuently  almost 
shapeless  lumps  of  clay  or  wood.  They  are  found  both  with  and 
without  inscriptions.  Sometimes  the  inscribed  and  uninscribed  are 
found  together.  When  inscribed,  it  is  sometimes  merely  with  the 
name  and  titles  of  the  deceased,  sometimes  adding  his  or  her 
mother's  name — seldom  the  father's  name — and  when  so  done  only  in 
late  times.  Others  have  in  addition  to  the  name  and  titles  a  full  or 
more  or  less  abbreviated  version  of  the  6th  chapter  of  the  "Ritual  of 
the  Dead."  They  are  also  found  with  a  blank  space  which  has  been 
left  for  the  name  but  never  filled  in.  The  inscriptions  are  in  hierogly- 
phics, hieratic,  and  demotic,  this  last  being  of  very  late  date.     A  word 

T^T^T  Vn      1    ^\    \  I  shalm    is    found   in   the  early  texts  of  the   6th 
chapter,  and  Profes  or  I\L^riette  in  his  "  Catalogue  d'Abydos,''  p.  4^, 

138 


April]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

gives  a  Vlth  dynasty  f  3rm  of  this  chapter.     Although  the  word  is  not 

the  same  as  the  later     v^  1   w   1    1        (  1    iishabti,  it   seems  to  refer  to 

.something  allied  to  the  funeral  figures  ;  but  from  the  absence  of  any  of 
these  mummy  shaped  figures  at  that  early  date,  it  would  almost  seem 
that  it  must  have  had  some  other  meaning,  and  a  question  has  arise  in 
my  mind  as  to  whether  it  is  altogether  certain  that  the  figures  are  the 
?<j7m/^// or  respondants;  but  the  term  is  almost  universally  accepted 
and  applied  to  such  figures,  and  is  moreover  a  convenient  method  of 
alluding  to  them.  These  ushabti  are  supposed  to  do  the  work 
allotted  to  the  deceased  in  the  lower  world  ;  in  fact  they  are  practi- 
cally his  servants  or  substitutes,  and  if  this  is  so,  it  looks  very  like  a 
survival  of  an  ancient  tradition  of  the  times  when  the  slaves  were 
sacrificed  to  accompany  their  masters  to  the  underworld.  I  venture 
to  make  this  statement  with  considerable  hesitation,  as  I  know  that 
such  an  eminent  authority  as  Mr.  l,e  Page  Renouf  holds  that  there 
is  no  trace  of  such  a  custom  amongst  the  ancient  Egyptians;  also  the 
lack  of  such  figures  in  the  earlier  burials  is  a  very  strong  point 
against  its  being  a  survival.  May  they  occupy  a  dual  position,*  or 
can  they  have  had  any  connection  with  the  burial  rites  of  "  The  New 
Race  "  of  Dr.  Petrie  ? 

Ushabtis  are  found  made  in  stone — granite,  steatite,  both  glazed 
and  unglazed  limestone,  and  alabaster;  the  latter  belong  mostly  to  the 
XXth  dynasty,  though  XVIIIth  and  XlXth  dynasty  ones  exist:  in 
wood — accacia,  sycamore  and  ebony  :  in  porcelain  (so  called),  and 
terracotta,  also  in  wax  ;  none  have  been  found  in  metal. 

The  earliest  known  may  perhaps  be  of  the  Xlth  dynasty,  but  this 
is  doubtful.  The  early  ones  are  made  of  granite,  wood  or  limestone, 
the  latter  being  the  commonest  ;  clay  ones  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
made  before  the  end  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty.  The  early  ones 
generally  have  the  hands  crossed  over  the  breasts,  sometimes  covered 
over  with  bandages  ;  they  do  not  hold  anything  in  their  hands  as 
those  of  the  later  times  do  ;  they  have  the  name  and  titles  of  the 
deceased  usually  inscribed  in  a  vertical  column  down  the  front  ; 
and  sometimes  in  the  Xlllth  dynasty  a  scarab  with  outspread 
wings    is    inscribed    on    the    breast.     These   early  ushabti  are   not 

*  Mr.  Renouf  informs  me  that  the  statuettes  represent  not  slaves  (as  lias  been 
suggested),  Ijut  the  departed  vvorlhy,  as  is  proved  by  the  inscription      "l       r|  ^  ,  yV. 

AAAAAA    _LI    2J. 

this  is  the  Osiris  A''.,  for  such  is  the  meaning  of  ihe  words,  not  Says  tJic  Osiris.''^ 

139 


Apkii.]  society  of  BIBLICAL  AKCI I/LOLOGV.  [1896. 

common  :  as  far  as  1  know  no  X\'th  (.^r  XVIth  dynasty  iisliabtis 
are  known  :  none  have  yet  been  found  with  the  name  of  any 
known  king  or  official  of  those  times,  and  I  think  this  remark  also 
applies  to  those  that  are  supposed  to  be  Xllth  and  Xlllth 
dynasty  ones.  In  the  XVIIIth  dynasty  they  are  found  made 
of  stone  and  wood  as  in  the  earlier  times ;  also  in  this  dynasty 
glazed  and  unglazed  pottery  begins  to  appear,  the  colours  of 
the  glaze  being  a  blue-green,  a  brown,  and  a  red.  In  the  earlier 
part  of  this  dynasty  the  hands  are  folded  across  the  breast,  and  do 
not  carry  any  instruments.  The  inscriptions  are  usually  short,  and 
in  a  vertical  line  down  the  front,  giving  simply  the  name  and  titles. 
But  they  are  also  found  running  in  horizontal  lines,  and  with  the 
Vlth  Chapter  of  the  Ritual.  Towards  the  end  of  the  dynasty  the 
hoe  and  mattock,  or  two  hoes,  one  in  each  hand,  first  appear  ;  also 
the  figures  are  sometimes  represented  not  as  mummies  but  as 
wearing  the  costume  they  wore  during  life  :  but  if  Dr.  Budge  is 
correct  in  the  date  he  assigns  to  the  female  figure  No.  9447D,  which 
he  thinks  is  XVIIth  dynasty,  this  is  a  revival  of  a  former  custom. 
The  ushablis  both  of  this  and  the  XlXth  dynasty  seem  frequently 
to  have  a  trace  of  attem])t  at  portraiture  ;  at  any  rate,  the  faces  are 
much  more  life-like  than  later  ones,  and  do  not  have  the  set  type  of 
features  which  afterwards  became  the  conventional  portrait  of  Osiris. 
In  both  dynasties  the  figures  are  often  very  beautifully  decorated  with 
collars,  &:c.,  and  the  wooden  ones  are  sometimes  covered  with  a 
very  fine,  golden  coloured,  transparent  glaze  made  from  some  kind 
of  gum.  I  have  noticed  traces  of  this  gum  in  the  inscriptions  on 
granite  iishahti.  One  of  the  largest  figures  1  have  seen  belongs 
to  the  XVIIIth  dynasty  probably.  It  is  beautifully  carved  in  hard 
dark  wood,  ])erhaps  ebony  ;  the  eyes  and  eyebrows  are  of  glass, 
and  the  beard  is  platted.  It  has  a  horizontal  and  two  vertical  lines 
of  hierogly|ihics  in  front,  with  the  Vlth  Chapter  of  the  Ritual.  Its 
height  is  sixteen  inches,  and  is  enclosed  in  a  plain  wooden  coffin, 
which  is  eighteen  inches  high.  It  was  made  for  a  high  official  of 
Thebes  ;  but  a  few  have  been  found  which  are  three  feet  or  more  in 
height,  according  to  Messrs.  Perrot  and  Chipiez.  In  the  XlXth 
dynasty  porcelain  ones,  with  a  very  fine  blue  glaze,  were  made,  the 
colour  being  a  light  cobalt  of  remarkable  brilliancy,  as,  for  instance, 
those  made  for  Seti  I.  .V  darker  blue,  but  not  so  clear,  was  also 
made;  those  with  a  white  glaze  ground  with  decorations  and  inscrip- 
tions in  purple,  and   many  of  those  with   red  slip  hands    and  faces 

140 


Ai'Rii.]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

belong  to  this  dynasty.  They  are  much  rarer  than  either  the  stone 
or  wooden  ones.  The  rare  Hapi  or  Bull  ushahtis  all  belong  to  this 
dynasty,  according  to  Mariette,  who  found  them  in  the  Serapeum. 
They  are  glazed  blue  or  dull  green.  The  XXth  dynasty  ones  are 
generally  squarer  in  form  than  those  of  the  earlier  dynasties,  and 
often  they  are  most  carelessly  finished  ;  in  fact,  frequently  they  are 
almost  shapeless,  and  these  are  not  always  of  the  poorer  class  of 
burials.  In  this  dynasty  a  hoe  is  carried  in  each  hand,  and  a 
basket  over  the  shoulder.  The  XXIst  dynasty  is  remarkable  for 
the  very  beautiful  bright  blue  ushabtis  which  were  found  in  great 
numbers  at  Deir-el-Bahari ;  the  colour  is  different  to  the  blue 
of  the  XlXth  dynasty,  being  much  deeper.  These  all  belong 
to  one  time,  or  very  nearly  so,  eleven  different  names  being 
found  on  them,  mostly  relations.  They  date  from  about  B.C.  1040 
to  r..c.  1000.  The  XXIInd  dynasty  also  produced  bright  blue 
ones,  but  they  are  not  quite  such  a  good  colour  as  the  pre- 
ceding dynasty.  In  neither  case  was  the  modelling  well  done, 
they  evidently  trusted  to  the  colour  for  effect.  The  hieroglyphics 
are  written  on  the  blue  in  a  bright  black  ink,  and  fired  on. 
No  ushabtis  of  the  XXIIIrd,  XXIVth,  or  XXVth  dynasty  are 
known.  In  the  XXVIth  dynasty  there  seems  to  have  been  a  great 
revival  in  art,  in  which  the  ushabti  shared.  Glazed  porcelain  is 
almost  universally  employed,  and  great  numbers  are  found  most 
beautifully  finished.  The  figure  stands  on  a  square  pedestal,  with 
an  upright  plinth  behind.  They  have  been  made  in  moulds,  and 
in  many  cases  the  inscriptions  are  very  well  cut,  and  the  whole 
figure  has  been  gone  over  with  a  modelling  tool.  They  carry  in 
each  hand  a  hoe  or  mattock,  and  always  have  the  seed  basket  over 
their  shoulder.  Their  colour  is  usually  a  light  bluish-green.  Some  of 
the  largest  porcelain  ones  known  belong  to  this  dynasty,  being  those  of 
Horuta,  discovered  by  Dr.  Petrie,  some  of  which  are  ten  and  a  half 
inches  high.  No  XXVIIth  dynasty,  or  Persian,  ones  are  known, 
and  it  is  improbable  that  any  of  the  high  officials,  who  were  most  likely 
foreigners,  used  them,  nor  are  any  of  the  XXVIIIth  or  XXIXth 
dynasty  known.  The  XXXth  dynasty  ones  are  poor  in  colour,  and 
small ;  they  retain  the  pedestal  and  plinth.  The  glaze  is  usually  a 
dull  green.  No  XXXIst  or  XXXI Ind  dynasty  are  known.  After 
the  XXVIth  dynasty  the  figure  was  sometimes  placed  in  a  model  coflin, 
which  was  painted  with  figures  of  the  four  genii  of  the  Amenti,  or  with 
various  deities  connected  with  the  burial  rites.    They  also  had  inscrip- 

141 


April]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

tions.  These  inscriptions  are  usually  in  hieratic  or  demotic,  and  are 
often  almost  illegible ;  these  probably  date,  according  to  some 
authorities,  from  B.C.  500  to  B.C.  300,  which  about  covers  the  period 
between  the  end  of  the  XXVIth  dynasty  and  the  beginning  of  the 
Ptolemies,  but  if  they  do  not  belong  to  the  XXXth  dynasty  of 
the  Nectanebo's,  I  should  have  thought  they  might  have  been 
assigned  a  somewhat  later  date,  and  put  most  of  them  down  as  of 
Ptolemaic  manufacture.*  The  Ptolemaic  iis/iabiis  are  generally 
very  poor  both  in  workmanship  and  glaze,  though  in  some  there 
is  a  good  cobalt-blue  glaze  used ;  they  are  frequently  uninscribed, 
but  when  so  done  the  inscription  runs  in  one  or  two  vertical 
columns  down  the  front,  the  hieroglyphics  being  often  most 
carelessly  formed  ;  or  they  are  written  in  a  brownish-black  ink, 
and  frequently  in  hieratic.  The  wooden  ones  made  at  this  time 
are  heavily  coated  with  bitumen,  on  which  almost  illegible  characters 
are  written  in  white  ;t  it  would  seem  that  the  belief  in  the  necessity 
of  such  things  had  almost  died  out,  and  many  of  those  made  very 
likely  belonged  to  the  lower  classes,  who  no  doubt  would  retain  the 
ancient  religious  ideas  long  after  the  upper  classes  had  to  a  great 
extent  abandoned  them  owing  to  the  intercourse  with  the  Greeks. 
The  figures  certainly  did  not  keep  pace  with  the  georgeous  ornament- 
ation used  on  the  coffins  of  this  time,  they  being  remarkable  for 
their  ugliness.  The  Roman  ushabtis  are  still  worse,  and  finally  the 
Osiris  form  was  abandoned,  and  the  figures  had  the  head  of  a  monkey 
instead  ;  no  inscription  were  placed  on  these  figures,  which  are  very 
rare,  and,  I  may  add,  very  ugly.| 

A  translation  of  the  6th  chapter  of  the  "  Ritual  of  the  Dead,"  by 
Mr.  Renouf,  is  given  in  the  Proceedings^  vol.  xiv,  p.  273.  Observations 
on  ushabtis  have  been  made  by  Dr.  Birch  in  Aeg.  Zeit.,  1864, 
pp.  89-103,  and  in  1865,  pp.  4-20;  Marietta's  "Catalogue  des 
Monuments  d'Abydos,"  pp.  46-48.  The  three  forms  of  this  chapter 
will  be  found  in  Loret,  "  Recueil  de  Travaux,"  vol.  IV,  pp.  90,  91  ; 
V,  p.  70  ;  and  in  Dr.  Budge's  book,  "  The  Mummy,"  page  212,  with 
a  translation. 

^  Some  of  those  decorated  coffins  iire  known  to  be  of  caiiier  dale. 

t  But  by  some  these  black  ones  are  nearly  all  put  down  to  u  date  lietween 
li.c.  400-3CO. 

X  In  the  Gieek  and  Roman  times  the  name  was  preserved  by  writing  it  on  a 
slip  of  papyrus,  or  on  a  wooden  ticket,  which  was  tied  on  to  the  mummy  :  this 
took  the  place  of  the  nsliabti. 

142 


Proc.   Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.,  April,   1896. 
PLATE    I. 


7--V 


WOODEN  SHABTI  BOXES. 


Free.  Soc.   BibL  Arch.,  April,   1896. 
PLATE    II. 


XVIlTH  Dynasty  (?). 


Proc.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.,  April,  1896. 


Proc.  So(.  Bibl.  Arch.,  April,  l{ 


PLATE     IV. 


XVIIIth  Dynasty. 


Proc.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.,  Apiil,  1896. 


PLATE    V 


l^inc.^e^ 


XIXth  Dynasty. 


Proc.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.,  April,  1896. 
i'J.ATE    VI. 


XIXth  Dynasty. 


Proc.  Soc.  Bihl.  Arch.,  April,  1896. 


PLATE    VII. 


XXth  Dynasty. 


XfTKL^^S 


Proc.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.,  April,  1896. 

PLATE   VIII. 


J — 1 — u 


al 


II 


j^i^cAes 


XXVIth  Dynasty. 


Proc.  Soc.  Bill  Arc/i.,  April,  1896. 

PLATE    IX. 


i-Tic/t  e.^ 


DATE   UNCERTAIN. 


Proc.  Soc.  Bihl.  Arch.,  April,  \i 

PLATE   X, 


April]  PROCKEDINGS.  [1896. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  PLATES. 


Plate  I.  The  upper  drawing  shows  the  ordinar)^  form  of  a  wooden 
ushabti  box.  This  particular  case,  which  belongs  to  myself,  has  lost 
its  covers,  but  I  have  shown  the  usual  form  of  these  covers  with  the 
method  of  securing  them  to  the  box.  These  boxes  vary  in  size,  and 
of  course  in  the  style  of  the  decorations,  but  this  one  is  a  fair  average 
specimen.  The  colours  used  are  red,  which  I  have  lined  |1|1;  a 
lighter  red  //// ;  green  ^  ;  yellow  ochre  \\\\  ;  the  ground  is  white; 
it  was  made  for  "  a  singer  of  Amen,  Ta-neb-ma,"  and  is  probably  of 
the  XlXth  or  XXth  dynasty.  Its  size  is  :  length  of  base  ii^  inches, 
width  of  base  5I  inches,  total  height  11^  inches;  the  wood  is 
sycamore.  Sometimes  these  boxes  were  made  with  one  compart- 
ment only,  in  which  case,  whilst  retaining  the  height  and  width,  they 
were  only  one-third  of  the  length.  The  other  box  shown  is  likewise 
of  sycamore,  and  was  formerly  painted  white,  with  the  hieroglyphics 
in  black.  Most  of  the  white  paint  has  got  rubbed  off,  but  the  black 
is  still  very  clear.  Its  length  is  8  inches,  wndth  2^  inches,  and  total 
height  4|-  inches.  The  inside  contains  an  almost  shapeless  bit  of 
wood  meant  for  a  ushabti  ;  it  is  laid  on  some  coarse  mummy  cloth  ; 
it  has  a  suten-ta-Jwttp  inscription  on  the  lid,  and  is  a  late  specimen, 
probably  Ptolemaic.  It  is  in  the  British  Museum,  No.  16,005.  I 
have  not  given  an  illustration  of  the  more  decorated  coffin-shaped 
boxes,  as  they,  in  all  respects,  resemble  miniature  coffins,  and  with- 
out a  coloured  drawing  would  not  convey  much  idea  of  what  they 
look  like. 

Plate  II.  This  is  an  extremely  beautiful  ushabti  of  a  female. 
The  name  is  wanting,  having  never  been  put  on.  The  figure  is 
made  of  a  fine-grained  limestone,  painted  ;  the  dress  white,  with  red 
lines  ;  the  face,  arms,  and  feet  red,  and  glazed  over  with  a  gum. 
The  wig  is  black ;  the  collar  red  and  black  lines  on  a  yellow  ground. 
It  is  supposed  to  belong  to  the  XVIIth  dynasty,  but  this  is  doubtful, 

143  L 


April]  SOCII-:  TV  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGY.  [1896. 

there  being  nothing  except  the  style  of  the  figure  and  the  position  of 
the  hands  to  judge  by.  It  is  remarkable  for  displaying  the  contour 
of  the  figure,  much  iiiore  than  is  usual  in  ushabtis;  even  if  not  of  the 
XVIIth  dyna:5ty,  it  is  undoubtedly  an  early  one. 

Plate  III.  The  smaller  of  these  two  is  made  of  limestone, 
painted,  the  body  white,  the  wig  and  inscription  black,  the  collar, 
which  is  very  elaborate,  is  red  and  black  alternating.  It  is  the 
ordinary  mummy  form  of  the  XVTIIth  dynasty;  the  hands  are 
folded  across  the  breast,  but  hold  nothing ;  the  face  appears  to  be 
an  attempt  at  portraiture  ;  it  was  made  for  Har-em-na.  The  other 
is  made  of  accacia,  and  is  a  specimen  of  those  ushabtis  in  which  the 
deceased  is  represented  as  wearing  his  ordinary  costume.  In  this 
case  also  the  hands  are  crossed,  but  hold  nothing.  The  inscription 
down  the  apron  is  painted  in  black  on  a  yellow  ground  ;  it  was  made 
for  a  scribe  named  Hara  ;  it  is  in  the  British  Museum,  No.  8,595, 
and  is  also  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty. 

Plate  IV.  It  is  unusual  to  find  double  ushabtis.  In  this  case  a 
man  and  his  wife  are  represented  side  by  side.  It  is  made  of  lime- 
stone, formerly  painted  red  all  over.  I  think,  remains  of  a  darker 
red  are  still  on  the  faces  and  hands  ;  the  wigs  were  black ;  the  style 
of  execution  is  coarse.  Dr.  Budge  thought  it  dated  from  the 
XVth  to  XVIIth  dynasty,  but  I  think  it  cannot  be  earlier  than  the 
latter  part  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  as  the  man  holds  a  hoe  in  each 
hand.  Unfortunately  there  is  no  inscription  to  help  one.  It  is  in 
the  British  Museum,  No.  8,894. 

Plate  V.  This  magnificent  ushabti  is  made  of  a  light-coloured 
friable  clay,  not  strictly  porcelain,  although  often  so  called  in 
alluding  to  Egyptian  faience.  It  is  covered  with  a  very  beautiful 
light  cobalt-coloured  gla/.e,  with  black  lines  and  hieroglyphics.  It 
can  have  been  no  easy  matter  to  make  so  large  an  article  in  solid 
pottery  without  twisting  or  spoiling.  It  was  made  for  Seti,  the  great 
king  of  the  XlXth  dynasty,  whose  sarcophagus  is  in  the  Soane 
Museum,  and  whose  body  is  at  Gezeh,  being  one  of  those  recovered 
in  the  Deir  el  Bahari  find.  This  fi'^^ure  carries  a  hoe  in  each  hand; 
the  one  in  the  left  hand  is  interesting,  as  clearly  showing  how  in 
actual  tools  the  bronze  tips  were  put  on  to  the  wood  frames.  He 
wears  the  royal  head-dress  with  a  urseus  on  the  forehead,  which,  in 
this  case,  has  unfortunately  been  broken  off.  The  tail  extends  some 
distance  down  the  back  of  the  headdress.  The  inscription  is  the 
usual  Vlth  chapter  of  the  Ritual,  with  the  king's  nomen  and  pre- 

144 


.April]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

nomen.  Over  the  left  shoulder  he  carries  a  peculiar  shaped  seed 
bag.  It  is  in  the  British  Museum,  No.  22,818,  and  came  from 
Biban-el-Molook. 

Plate  VI.  The  large  figure  is  made  of  accacia,  and  is  very 
finely  carved.  It  is  also  partly  coloured,  the  eyes,  wig,  and  tools 
being  black ;  the  collar  has  been  gilt,  most  of  which  has  gone.  The 
face  is  red,  probably  the  hands  were  the  same.  The  hieroglyphics 
are  incised,  and  were  filled  in  with  white ;  the  bar  incised  and 
painted  black,  extending  from  each  hand  to  the  elbow,  is  unusual. 
It  was  made  for  a  man  named  Pasheti,  and  is  of  the  XlXth  dynasty. 
It  is  in  the  British  Museum,  67,  8-12,  453,  from  the  Blacas  CoUec^ 
tion.  The  other  one  is  of  dark  steatite,  and  has  been  coated  with 
a  yellow  gum.  The  name  has  never  been  filled  in.  The  wig  is 
different  to  the  others  I  have  illustrated,  having  plaited  curls  on  each 
side.  He  also  wears  a  short  beard.  Over  the  heart  the  soul,  in  the 
form  of  a  human-headed  bird,  is  hovering.  He  carries  a  hoe  in  each 
hand,  and  over  the  left  shoulder  a  seed  bag  similar  to  that  carried 
by  Seti.  In  addition  is  another  object  occasionally  found,  but  vary- 
ing in  form  :  it  resembles  some  sort  of  bottles  on  a  yoke,  but 
whether  intended  to  be  such  is  doubtful.  This  figure  is  also  probably 
of  the  XlXth  dynasty,  and  is  in  the  British  Museum,  No.  8,711. 

Plate  VII.  The  largest  ushabti  is  made  of  accacia  ;  it  was  made 
for  Rameses  VI.  The  head-dress  is  similar  to  that  worn  by  Seti 
but  with  a  double  ur^i.  He  wears  a  long  artificial  beard,  the  strap 
for  fixing  it  on  being  plainly  indicated.  The  carving  fe  inferior  to 
that  of  Pasheti  in  finish.  There  are  no  traces  of  colour.  It  belongs 
to  the  XXth  dynasty,  and  is  in  the  British  Museum,  No.  8,570.  The 
next  in  size  at  the  top  of  the  page  is  a  porcelain  one  made  for  a 
cher  heb  named  Pet-amen-apt,  and  is  the  ordinary  type  of  this  dynasty. 
He  carries  two  hoes,  and  has  a  seed  bag  over  the  left  shoulder.  The 
inscription,  which  is  incised,  is  the  Vlth  chapter  of  the  Ritual.  The 
one  below  is  of  white  alabaster,  almost  shapeless,  with  no  attempt 
at  carving.  The  outlines  of  the  face,  wig,  and  hands,  also  the 
inscription,  are  black  ;  and  there  are  traces  of  a  blue  glaze  on  the 
head-dress,  and  green  glaze  on  the  body.  It  was  made  for  Rameses  V, 
of  the  XXth  dynasty,  a  king  about  which  very  little  is  known.  He 
is  believed  to  have  been  a  usurper  by  some.  It  is  in  the  British 
Museum,  No.  8,699,  ^"^  came  from  Biban-el-Molook.  It  is  a  type 
of  ushabti  often  found  in  this  dynasty. 

The  XXIst  and  XXIInd  dynasty  ushabtis  I  have  not  illustrated, 

145 


Ai'Ki!.]  SOCIKTV  OF   BIllLICAL  AKCII.EOLOGV.  [iUgG. 

as  the  porcelain  ones  entirely  depend  upon  colour  for  their  effect, 
and  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  stone  or  wooden  ones  that  are 
of  that  date  for  certain. 

Plate  VIII.  This  is  a  specimen  of  an  average  XXVIth  dynasty 
ushabti.  It  is  made  of  green  glazed  porcelain  (so  called).  The 
greenish  glaze  is  the  usual  one  used  in  this  dynasty,  but  sometimes 
a  fine  blue  is  used  instead.  He  wears  a  long  plaited  beard,  and 
carries  a  hoe  in  either  hand  and  a  seed  bag  over  the  left  shoulder. 
This  ushabli  was  made  for  a  iner-suten-7ia  named  Psamtik. 

Plaie  IX.  This  very  curious  ushabti  is,  as  far  as  I  known, 
unique.  It  is  also  impossible  to  date,  except  that  it  is  earlier  than 
the  XXVIth  dynasty.  It  is  made  of  a  fine  grained  limestone.  The 
bands  and  inscription  retain  traces  of  gilding.  The  face  and  ears 
are  gilded.  The  wig  has  been  blue  ;  the  collar  red  and  blue.  It 
has  a  sj{ten-ta-/wtep  inscription  to  the  ka  of  Aua.  It  is  in  the 
British  Museum,  No.  24,390. 

Plate  X.  The  first  is  a  bull  ushabti-  INIarriette  says  they  date 
from  the  XlXth  dynasty,  and  were  found  by  him  in  the  Serapeum. 
It  is  glazed  a  dull  green — some  are  blue — and  is  made  of  porcelain 
(so  called).  Note  that  the  hands  are  replaced  by  hoofs.  The 
manufacture  is  coarse.  The  next  one  has  on  it  an  old  label 
describing  it  as  an  ape-faced  ushabti,  which  I  think  is  correct.  It 
is  of  porcelain,  with  a  dull  green  glaze  of  very  poor  colour.  The 
style  of  workmanship  is  very  rough.  It  is  very  laLe  indeed,  probably 
Roman.  The  third  is  also  porcelain,  with  a  dark  green  glaze.  It 
is  Ptolemaic,  probably  about  R.c.  200.  It  was  made  for  a  man 
named  Tes-necht,  and  gives  both  his  father  and  mother's  name, 
a  sure  siirn  of  being  of  late  work. 


ii^^^^^^ 


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Rev.   C.   J.    Ball,   "The   First   Chapter  of  Genesis  and    the 
Babylonian  Cosmogonies." 

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h  part  is  now  raised  to  ^i  los. ;  to  Members  of  the  Society  (the  original 
ce)  £1  IS. 


Society  of   Biblical  ARCHiEOLOGY. 


COUNCIL,     1896. 


President. 
P.  LE  Page  Renouf. 

Vice-  P7-esidents. 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

The  Most  Noble  the  Marquess  of  Bute,  K.T.,  &c.,  &c. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Amherst  of  Hackney. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Halskuky. 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  M.P.,  D.C.L.,  &c. 

F.  D.  Mocatta,  F.S.A.,  &c. 

Walter  Morrison,  M.P. 

Sir  Charles  Nicholson,  Bart.,  D.C.L.,  M.D.,  &c. 

Rev.  George  Rawlinson,  D.D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 

Council. 

Rev.  Charles  James  Ball,  M.A.     |        Rev.  James  Marshall,  M.A. 
Arthur  Gates.  I       Claude  G.  Montefiore. 


Rev.  Prof.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  D.D. 

Thomas  Christy,  F.L.S. 

Dr.  J.  Hall  Gladstone,  F.R.S. 

Charles  Harrison,  F.S.A. 

Gray  Hill. 

Pkof.  T.  PIayter  Lewis,  F.S.A. 


Walter  L.  Nash,  F.S.A. 
Alexander  Peckover,  F.S.A. 
Prof.  P.  Pierret. 
J.  Pollard. 

Edward  B.Tylor,LL.D.,F.R.S., 
&c. 


Rev.  Aluekt  Lowv,  LL.D.,  &c.       \        E.  Towry  Whyte,  M.A.,  F.S.A. 

Honorary   Treasurer — BERNARD  T.  BOSANQUET. 

Secretary — W.  Hakry  Rylands,  F.S.A. 

Honorary  Secretary  for  Foreipi  Correspondence— "^Yy .   R.  GwYNNE,  B.A. 

Honorary  Librarian — WiLLlAM  SiMPSON,  F.R.G.S. 

HARRISON    AND    SONS,    HtlNTERS    IN    ORDINARY  TO    K  ER    MAJESTY,    ST.    MARTINS    LANE. 


VOL.  XVIII.  Part  5. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE    SOCIETY 


BIBLICAL    ARCHEOLOGY. 


VOL.  XVIII.     TWENTY-SIXTH  SESSION. 

Meeting;  May  5,  1896. 


-*o^- 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
Sir  p.   Le  Page  Renouf  [President). — The  Book  of  the  Dead. 

(3  Plates) ^ 149-155 

J.  Offord,  JuN. — The  Nude  Goddess  in  Assyrio-Babylonian  Art  156,157 

Alfred  Boissier. — Bas-Reliefs  de  Tiglat-Pileser  III      158-160 

E.  TowRY  WiiYTE. — Sepulchral  Figures  usually  called  Ushabti  161 


-'^m>~ 


PUBLISHED   AT 

THE     OFFICES     OF     THE     SOCIETY, 

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18  96. 


No.  cxxxviii.] 


SOCIETY   OF    BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY, 

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obtained  on  application  to  the  Secretary,  W.  H.  RyLAND.S,  F.S.A.,  37,  Great 
Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE     SOCIETY 


OF 


BIBLICAL     ARCHEOLOGY. 


TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION,     1896. 


I 


Fourth  Meeting,  ^th  May,  1896. 
REV.    JAMES    MARSHALL,   M.A., 

IN    THE   CHAIK. 

^^ 


The    following    Presents    were    announced,    and    thanks 
ordered  to  be  returned  to  the  Donors  : — 

From    F.  D.   Mocatta,    F.S.A.   {Vice-President): — Un    Necropole 
Royal  a  Sidon  fouilles  de  Hamdy  Bey.     Par  O.  Hamdy  Bey  et 

(Theodore  Reinach.     Paris.     FoUo.     1896. 
From  Rev.  R.  Gwynne : — Arabic  Grammar,  by  the  late  William 
Wright,  LL.D.     Third  edition.     Edited  by  De  Goeje.     Vol.  I. 
Cambridge,  1896. 
From  the  Author,  H.  Martin  Kennard  : — The  Veil  Lifted  ;  a  new 
Light  on  the  World's  History.     8vo.     London,  1896. 
b    From  the  Author,  Prof.  Friedrich  Delitzsch  : — Das  Babylonische 
K       Weltschopfungsepos,  No.  II.     Leipzig.     8vo.      1896. 
HI  From    the  Author,    Dr.    Ignazio   Guidi : — II    "  Gadla   'Aragawi." 
Folio.       Rome.       1895.      (Reali    Accad.    dei    Lincei.    Anno 
ccxci.     1894.) 
From  the  Author,   D.  Mallet : — Queiques  Monuments  egyptiens 
du    Musee    d'Athenes.      Folio.      Paris.     1S96.       (Recueil    de 
Travaux,  Vol.  XVIII.) 
[No.  cxxxviii.]  147  M 


May  5]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII.-EOLOGY.  [liige. 

From  the  Author,  Dr.  O.  v.  Lemm : — Nachtrag  zu  den  "  Koptischen 

Fragmenten   zur  Patriarchengeschichte  Alexandriens."     Folio. 

St.  Petersburg.     1896.     (Bulletin  de  I'Acad.  Imp.  des  Sciences, 

T.  IV,  No.  2.) 
From    the    Author : — tJber    die    Poesie     in    der    Volkssprache 

der   Nestorianer,   von    Eduard   Sachau.     Berlin.     8vo.     i8g6. 

(Akad.  der  Wissenschaften,  Vol.  XI.) 

The  following  Candidates  were  elected  Members  of  the 
Society,  having  been  nominated  at  the  last  Meeting,  held 
on  the  3rd  March,  1896: — 

F.  L.  Gardner,  Buxton  House,  Chiswick. 

F.  W.  C'lilbertson,  Clanrhyd,  Swansea  Vale. 

William  Eugene  Gregson,  Moor  Lane,  Great  Crosby,  W.  Liverpool. 

William  Peek,  F.R.A.S.,  F.R  S.E.,  City  Astronomer,  Observatory 

House,  Calton  Hill,  Edinburgh. 
Rev.  Herbert  Lavallin  Puxley,  Catton  Rectory,  Stamford  Bridge, 

York. 
Rev.  Lonsdale  Ragg,  M.A.,  A^ice-Principal  of  Cuddesdon  College, 

Wheatley,  Oxon. 
Rev.  James  Blunt  Wilkinson,  M.A.,  5,  Orme  Square,  Bayswater. 

The  following  Candidate  was  nominated  for  election  at 
the  next  Meeting  on  June  the  2nd  : — 

Miss  Elizabeth  S.  Colton,  Easthampton,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 

To  be  added  to  the  List  of  Subscribers  : — 
The    Edinburgh    Public    Library,   Hew  Morrison,  F.S.A.    Scot., 
Librarian. 

A  Paper  was  read  by  the  Rev.  C.  J.  Ball  :  *'  The  First 
Chapter  of  Genesis  and  the  Babylonian  Cosmogonies." 


148 


Proc.  Soc.  Bibl  Arch.,  May,  \\ 


PLATE    XXXVI. 


BOOK  OF   THE    DEAD. 
Chapter  CXXV. 


Tombeau  de  Seti  I"  {Ann.  du  Musce  Guimel,  Vol.  IX). 


rroc.  Soc.  Bib  I.  Arch.,  May,  1S96. 


PLATE   XXXVIL 


BOOK   OF   THE    DEAD. 
Chapter   CXXV.    (Note  2.) 


Papyrus,  British  Museum,  No.  9900. 


Mummy  Case,  Leyden  Museum, 


Proc,  Soc,  Bibl.  Ardu,  May,  1896. 


PLATE   XXXVIII. 


BOOK    OF   THE    DEAD. 
Chapter   CXXV.    (Note  2.) 


Papyrus,  Leyden  Museura. 


Papyrus,  British  Museum,  No.  9964. 


Mummy  Case,  Leyden  Museum. 


May  5]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


BOOK     OF     THE     DEAD. 
By  Sir  P.  le  Page  Renouf. 


CHAPTER   CXXVI. 

Oh  ye  four  Harbingers  (i)  vvho  sit  at  the  prow  of  the  Bark  of  Ra, 
and  convey  the  fixed  ordinances  (2)  of  the  Inviolate  One,  ye  who 
are  judges  of  my  di'itress  (3)  and  of  my  good  fortune,  and  propitiate 
the  gods  with  the  flames  from  j^our  mouths  :  ye  who  present  to  the 
gods  their  oblations  and  the  sacrificial  meals  to  the  Glorified  :  ye 
who  live  through  Maat  ;md  are  sated  with  Maat :  who  have  nothing 
wrong  in  you  and  execrate  that  which  is  disordered,  (4)  do  ye  put 
an  end  to  my  ills  and  remove  that  which  is  disorderly  in  me  through 
my  being  smitten  to  the  earth.  (5) 

Grant  that  I  may  penetrate  into  the  Ammehit  and  enter  into 
Restau  ;  and  that  I  may  pass  through  the  mysterious  portals  of 
Amenta. 

Be  there  given  to  me  the  Shensu  cakes  and  the  Persen  cakes 
[and  all  things]  even  as  to  the  Glorified,  who  make  their  appearance 
on  entering  into  Restau  or  on  coming  forth.  (6) 

Enter  thou,  Osiris  JV:  We  put  an  end  to  thine  ills,  and  we 
remove  that  which  is  disorderly  in  thee  through  thy  being  smitten 
to  the  earth.  AVe  put  away  from  thee  all  the  ills  which  thou  hast. 
Enter  thou  into  Restau  and  pass  through  the  mysterious  portals  of 
Amenta.  Enter  thou  in  and  come  forth  at  thy  pleasure,  like  the 
Glorified  ones ;  and  be  thou  invoked  each  day  in  the  Mount  of 
Glory.  (7) 

Notes. 

In  the  older  papyri  the  vignette  of  this  chapter  is  unaccompanied 
by  any  text.  The  only  exception  as  yet  known  is  that  of  the  papyrus 
Ab,  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty.  The  text  is  also  found  in  the  tomb 
of  Rameses  VI,  with  the  important  addition  of  the  answer  made  by 
the  four  Harbingers  to  the  prayer  of  the  deceased.     This  addition 

M9 


May  5]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILIiOLOGY.  [1896. 

is  retained  in  all  the  later  recensions.  Other  discrepancies  between 
the  two  texts  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  even  the  older  one  has 
suffered  from  interpolation. 

I.  Harbingers   or    Sahiters,  ^  V  w !( ' '       '^^^    Chapter    5, 

Note  5,  for  an  explanation  of  the  name  of  those  Apes  who  salute* 
the  Daybreak.  Here/ottr  only  are  spoken  of,  and  this  was  probably 
the  original  number,  corresponding  to  the  four  portals  of  the  Mount 
of  Glory.  The  number  e/g/i^  (the  Chemunnu)  is  more  easy  to  explain 
than  six,  which  is  the  number  stated  in  the  text  quoted  from  the 
tomb  of  Rameses  VI. 

2    Fixed  ordinances,  ^^  .  ■^  . :   OeiuaTc^  in  the  different  accep- 
a  III 

tations  of  that  word. 

^  Distress,  v^  (J  vv  "^^^  •  "  Te  semper  anteit  saeva  neces- 
sitas,"  Horace  says  to  Fortuna.  The  determinative  "^  and  the 
Coptic  JULp  evidently  point  to  the  notion  of  consti-aint,  but  the  few 
texts  in  which  the  word  is  found  imply  7uant,  need  {angustice, 
liva'-iKi]),\  rather  than  captivity.  Amenemhat  at  Benihassan  (tomb  2) 
boasts  that  in  his  days  and  under  his  government  no  one  was  seen 

"in  distress  i^  "^  (I  <^  ^^^j>  or  starving."  And  Horus 
at  Edfu  (Naville,  Mythe  d'Horus,  pi.  XXII)  is  said  to  protect  the 
needy  or  distressed  (^?  ')5\  O)  '^8^'^"''^^  '^'"'^  powerful.  This  is 
an  honour  already  claimed  by  Antuf  on  his  tablet  (Louvre,  C.  26, 
line  17),  who  mentions  the  maaru  as  being  an  object  of  interest  to 
him,  like  the  orphan  and  the  widow. 

4.  Disordered,  flft  '^^^''  '^  the  absence  of  S^  ^  ,  strict 
order,  and  always  spoken  of  as  in  opposition  to  it.  One  is  Koa^iof 
and  the  other  is  ov  Kma  Koa/noi^,  and  may  be  predicated  of  whatever 
is  contrary  to  rule,  faulty,  defective,  out  of  line,  deformed,  or  dis- 
figured, not  only  in  a  moral  but  in  a  purely  physical  sense. 

"^  ~^^,  ///,  does  not  mean  ivickedness  or  sin,  but  simply  physical 
o    I  I  I 

*  The  Gothic  Hnna  (the  Cock),  German  Hahn  and  our  hen  signify  the 
Singer,  and  are  words  cognate  to  the  Latin  can-crc.  The  Latin  Gallits  is 
probably  related  to  our  call. 

t  The  Greek  language  would  furnish  an  interesting  parallel  to  the  Egyptian  if 
it  could  be  shown  that  Situ,  bind,  and  5tw,  -vant,  need,  had  the  same  root.  Uut  the 
latter  was  originally  Offw. 


May  5]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

evil,  mischief,  pain  or  sorrow.  There  are  many  texts  to  prove  this, 
but  perhaps  the  most  interesting  is  the  great  text  at  Dendera 
(Mariette,  Denderah,  IV,  pi.  73,  or  Diimichen,  Rec,  III,  pi.  96), 
where  Osiris  is  invoked  at  Apu  (Panopolis)  as  the  fiery  Bull,  hiding 
(or  scarcely  seen)  on  the  day  of  the  New  Moon  .  .  .  .  ,  but  at  length 
rising  into  full  strength,*  and  seeing  the  Golden  Horus  fixed  upon 

the  throne  of  the  universe.       ^    ^  J         4/)  c^]  "^^^^  (continues  the 

text),  "Joy  Cometh  round  afterf  pain,"  or  sorrow;  most  certainly,  not 
after  sin. 

The   meaning   of    <crr> ,    which   governs    the   noun,    has   been 

explained  (Chapter  40,  Note  6)  as  stoppitig,  bringing  to  an  end ;  not 
destroying,  and  still  \qss  forgivi7ig. 

5.    Through    my  bein^  [or  because  I  am]   smitten   to  the  earth 


[I  v\  in  this  position,  without  a  suffix  or  nominal  subject,  is  not 

an  auxiliary  verb,  but  a  particle  of  correlation,  used  when  a  cause, 
motive,  or  circumstance  is  asserted  or  implied  in  connection  with  a 
preceding  statement. 

Like  all  such  particles,  of  which  the  function  was  originally  only 
deictic,  it  is  susceptible  of  very  many  shades  of  meaning,  and  it 
would  be  impossible  in  this  place  to  do  justice  to  a  word  so  frequently 
occurring,  especially  in  the  hieratic  papyri   of  a  secular  character. 


*  Such  is  the  real  meaning  of  -^-^  /^^^^^  \^\         ^  ^^^  pj^jy  j^  jj^jg  pi^ce,  but 
A/v\A/v\  ^mi^  _iir^    I 
in   the  extremely  ancient   text   found  on  many  sarcophagi  and   already  in   the 

Pyramid  Texts  (see  Pepi  I,  li),     A    "^X     ^     ^  ^  &^  ^^-^  VX    '^  ,,,„^ 

/wvwx  Jih)  ^=^13:^  F=^  /wwvv  J^    I 

®     ^      <=>  cj 

^^-~-     V o  ^\     r-^'-^^^^  f'jM-j-j\:s    I     "Thy  mother  Nut  bringeth  it  to  pass  that  thou 

risest  into  full  strength,  without  an  adversary,  in  thy  name  oi  the  St)-ong  one.'"'' 

In  this  translation  it  is  assumed  that  the  second  '•'wws  jg  ihe  negative  ---/l^, 
as  it  was  always  understood  in  later  times  (see  for  an  instance  Zeitschr.,  1869, 
p.  51,  and  the  beautiful  text  of  Bakenrenf,  Deukm.,  Ill,  263). 

The  true  meaning  of    j  is  not  simply  '  this  god '  but  '  the  Strong  one, 

h  'ItTxvwi'.        I  1   is  the  'Strong  and  Beautiful ;'      |  A  is  sy£*  ^x>  o  rXairoKparwiO. 
+  That  is,  'succeedeth.' 


May  5]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII/EOLOGV.  [1S96. 

The  following  examples  are  only  intended  to  illustrate  its  graiiunatical 
use  in  our  text. 

The  particle  occurs  three  times  before  as  many  [)ropositions  at 
the  beginning  of  Chapter  123;  'I  have  balanced  the  divine  Pair,' 

'I  have  put  a  stop,  etc.,^  'I  have  ended  their  complaints;'  (I  v\ 
connects  each  of  these  statements  with  the  preceding  one,  '  I  am 
Thoth.'  It  is  as  if  the  speaker  said,  '//  is  in  consequence  ofiwy  being 
Thoth,  that  I  have  balanced,'  etc. 

In  Chapter  36,  '  I  am  the  bearer  of  the  divine  words  'is  followed 

'^y  iJ   V     A  M  V  ^  ^ '  '  ^'^^  ^^  '^  comes  that  I  make  the  report.' 
In  Chapter  15,  line  7,  'I  am  one  of  those  who  honoured  thee 


upon  earth  '  is  followed  by  [I  v\  — ^  "  let  me  therefore 

attain  to  the  Land  of  eternity." 

Aahmes,  the  son  of  Abana,  says  in  his  inscription  (line  5)  that 

rs  .rt\  r\     0000  /W^^^^A 

he  was  young   and   unwedded,    (J  \>    '    O^  ^f^  \§i     "  ^'^^  ^^    ^ 
continued  to  wear  "  a  certain  dress. 

Amenemheb  was,  he  tell  us  {Zeitchr.,  1S73,  P-  3)'  high  in  the 
favour   of    the    King,  ^'' and  so  it  comes  that  I   followed  my  Lord 

Una  was  sent  by  his  sovereign  on  a  certain  mission,  and  the 
negro  chieftains  of  certain  districts  furnished  the  wood  for  his 
purpose,  "  and  so  it  came  to  pass  that  he  spent  [J   Y^  ^  ye^^'  it^ 

this  wise. 

After  verlm  dicendi  [1  v\  corresponds  to  our  as  how,  comme  qtioi, 

or  the  quod  or  quia  of   late  Latinity.      It    often    needs    no   more 
translation  than  the  Greek  oti  in  such  a  relation. 

In  the  inscription  of  Pianchi  (line  2)  one  came  to  tell  his 
Majesty  "  tJiat  {comme  quoi)  a  prince  [or  magnate]  had  started  up 

(j  V "^^"^^^^  Ik  "  ^^^  seized  upon  a  part  of  the  kingdom. 

(J  V  ^^  '^^°^''  ^'•-'■t''^i"^y  <^^oss  ^^o*^  mean  '  est,  est . '  any  more 
than  it  means  '•  Dominus  mens  mortuus  est.' 

Nebuaiu  {Zeitschr.,  1876,  p.  5)  in  the  time  of  Thothmes  III  ^:^ 
\\  ^^  <^:^  ^   %s  ^^  "  says,  as  how  '  I  have  i)resided  over  many 

constructions.' " 

152 


May  5]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

The    Naophoros    of    the   ^'atican    in  hke  manner   r=^  (I   Y\ 

\A    "says  that  '  I  made  a  petition  ' "  to  Cambyses. 
Long  before  this  Chnumhotep  of  Benihassan  begins  his  biography 
(Hne   14)      I      ^:=S^  [I  Y)>^a a  ^  Mr  "his  mouth,  it  says  as  ]iow 


'his  Majesty  appointed  me  '  to  the  dignity  oi  Erpa  /la." 

The  absence  of  Verbal  character  becomes  especially  apparent  in 

such  combinations  as(]^^,(]^J^,l]^J^. 


6.  The  older  texts  finish  here.  What  follows  in  the  translation 
is  taken  from  the  later  recensions.  It  is  the  reply  made  by  the  four 
Harbingers  to  the  prayer  addressed  to  them. 

7.  Mount  of  Glory  .     This  is  the  real  meanmg  of  the  word, 

and  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  continue  to  use  the  mis- 
leading term  hoi'izon. 


CHAPTER    CXXVn. 

The  Book  {i)  for  invoking  the  gods  of  the  jBou?ids,  (2)  which  the  person 
rcciteth  zvhefi  he  approaclietii  t/ieni,  that  he  may  enter  a?id  see  the 
Strong  one  (3)  in  the  Great  Abode  of  the  Tuat. 

Hail,  ye  gods  of  the  Bounds,  who  are  in  Amenta. 

Hail,  ye  Doorkeepers  of  the  Tuat,  who  guard  this  Strong  one, 
and  who  bring  the  reports  before  Osiris  ;  ye  who  protect  them  who 
worship  you,  and  who  annihilate  the  adversaries  of  Ra :  who  give 
light  and  put  away  your  darkness  :  ye  who  see  and  extol  your  Great 
one,  who  live  even  as  he  liveth,  and  invoke  him  who  is  in  his  Solar 
disk. 

Guide  me,  and  let  the  gates  of  Heaven,  Earth,  and  the  Tuat  be 
opened  to  me. 

I  am  the  Soul  of  Osiris  and  rest  in  him. 

Let  me  pass  through  the  Gateways,  and  let  them  raise  acclamation 
when  they  see  me. 

Let  me  enter  as  I  will,  and  come  forth  at  my  pleasure,  and  make 
my  way  without  there  being  found  any  defect  or  any  evil  attaching 
to  me. 

153 


May  5]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 


Notes. 

The  text  which  has  been  followed  in  the  translation  of  this 
chapter  is  that  of  the  Royal  Tombs  of  Rameses  IV  and  Rameses  VI, 
called  by  ^I.  Naville  Chapter  127  a.  The  lost  Busca  papyrus,  of  which 
Lepsius  had  a  tracing,  furnishes  a  different  text,  (127  b),  and  the 
text  of  the  Turin  Todtejihuch  has  been  enlarged  by  means  of 
numerous  interpolations.  M.  Naville  has  called  attention  to  the 
close  relationship  between  this  chapter  and  the  second  part  of  the 
"  Solar  Litany." 

T.  Book  '  '''*  /,  0  ,  properly  a  Roll ;  a  title  given  to  several  of 
the  chapters  (125,  127,  129,  130,  140,  141,  142  and  14S  in  the 
Turin  Todfe?il>i/ch),  instead  of  the  usual  ,  .  Too  much  im- 
portance should  not  be  attached  to  the  difference  of  terms.  This 
chapter  is  called  ,  by  the  Busca  papyrus;  and  Chapter  125, 
which  is  called  ,  in  the  earliest  texts  containing  it  whenever  a 
title  is  given,  is  called  '_''\^    0     ever  since  the  time  of  Rameses  IV. 

2.  Bounds,  <~>^C^'  ''^  ^^^  <\vi^\  form,  though  ^^^^^  ^  pj-J 
is  not  unfrequent,  here  and  in  other  places.  The  English  word  is 
not  a  translation  of  the  Egyptian  one,  which  has  to  be  explained 
before  any  equivalent  for  it  can  be  pro])Osed.  And  the  explanation 
of  it  has  to  be  sought  in  the  'Solar  Eitany,'  first  completely  pub- 
lished by  Al.  Naville. 

There  we  find  the  Sun-god  Ra  invoked  as  a  Power  pouring  itself 

forth  or  overflowing  ^~7\    ^    (JO  '^  '  *  ^'''  75  f^^"'^  ^'^d  the  forms 
^■*  ^  cin=i  1  1  r  i  I  ,  i^     „  . . 

in  75    <:zz>  ^   I.      P^ach    of  these  divine  forms  (    ®     1  1  )  has  its 

own  ^h'^     ^^  ^  dwelling-place,  to    which    however  it  is  not 

confined. 

The  seventy-five  P^orms  in  question  (each  of  which  is  a  god)  are, 


*  jSI.  Naville  leaves  this  word  untranslated,  though  he  rightly  conjectures 
it  to  be  the  origin  of  XCUCU  effutiJcre,  effiisio,  infuudere,  immergere. 

a  "^  \  ^^  I  at  chapter  64,  23,  is  undoubtedly  the  overflowing,  or  otitpcKring. 
There   are   the   reduplicated    Coptic   forms    (^^CLJ^Tcy    and    CTecyCrUJCtj  ; 

and   (TeClje,  a  name  of  the  goose,  has  its  origin  in  a   ^^  1    w    1  'J'j  X  53^» 
and  has  the  same  sense  etymologically  as  the  Latin  mergus. 


May  5]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

as  the  text  itself  shows,  simply  so  many  names  of  the  Solar  god 
or  solar  phenomena.  Each  of  them  is  addressed  as  rvi  ^  R  Y' 
'  Ra,  supreme  of  power,'  after  which  some  attribute  of  the  deity 
is  mentioned,  and  the  name  of  the  deity  is  connected  with  this 
attribute. 

In  Greece,  Apollo  was    called    t/sri^/JoXo?,  Kcnnijiaaio^,  aTrorpoTratoi; 

vcouiji'iov,  and  by  ever  so  many  other  names  expressive  of  the 
attributes  with  which  he  was  credited.     These  names  correspond  to 

what  Egyptian  mythology  called  the     v?     (  I   of  a  god,  and  each 

of  the  names  has  but  a  limited  application.  The  god  is  not  always 
thought  of  as  'Far-darting';  under  the  conception  of  '  Neo- 
menios,'  he  dtvells  in  what  Egyptian  mythology  called  another 
^^^-^[^,  which  is  the  local  habitation,  or,  as  mathematicians  would 
say,  the  loc2is  of  the  concept. 

M.  de  Rouge,  without  giving  any  reason,  but  probably  guided 
by  what  Champollion  had  written,  translates  the  word  zone. 
M.  Naville,  who  has  carefully  studied  the  word,  prefers  sphere.  And 
no  better  word  could  be  thought  of,  if  we  used  it  as  we  do  in 
speaking  of  'moving  in  a  certain  sphere,'  'each  in  his  own  sphere,' 
or,  'the  sphere  of  action  ;'  without  applying  a  strict  geometrical  sense 
to  the  word.  For  the  Egyptian  ^^^^^  ^  was  a  hollow  cylinder  like 
a  round  tower,  a  chimney,  or  a  deep  well  rather  than  a  sphere. 

With  the  explanation  I  have  just  given,  I  prefer  Bounds  as  a 
more  expressive  translation.  The  word  appears  in  the  dual  form 
on  account  of  the  presence  of  the  god. 

The  name  was  given  to  the  fabulous  Source  of  the 

Nile,  supposed  to  be  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Elephantine.  The 
inscription  of  Seti  I  at  Redesieh  {Denkm.,  Ill,  140B)  compares 
the  abundance  of  water  at  the  King's  cistern  to  that  of  the 
^  I  J    /\     ^  W  n  J  tk  O      u  the  cavern  of  the    Double  Well  ot 

Elephantine."  -^^iii^ 

In  the  later  orthography  the  word  is  written  't'^^^"  or  ^""^  X?'^ 


It  has  been  supposed  that  the  Coptic  KOpI  cataracts  might  be 
connected  with  the  old  Egyptian  name.  But  the  history  of  the 
Coptic  word  is  not  sufficiently  known  to  justify  any  inferences. 

•;.   The  Strons:   one,  ^    ^    ,  the  name  of  Osiris.     See  footnote 
to  Chapter  126,  Note  4. 

155 


May  5]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGY.  [1S96. 


THE  NUDE  GODDESS    IN   ASSYRIO-BABYLONIAN    ART. 


ECCLESBORNE,   KeW, 

May  Tf/i,  1S96. 

Dear  Mr.  Rylands, 

M.  Salomon  Reinach  in  a  recent  article,  entitled  "  Les 
Deeses  nues  dans  I'art  oriental  et  dans  I'art  Grec,"*  endeavours  to 
prove  from  a  supposed  absence  of  early  representations  of  an 
unclothed  female  form,  "  that  the  type  of  a  nude  goddess  is 
absolutely  strange  to  archaic  Assyrio-Babylonian  art,"  and  "  que 
la  Deesse  nue  des  Cylindres  est  une  statue  importee." 

He  then  proceeds  to  suggest  that  the  nude  goddess  of  late 
Babylonian  and  Assyrian  art  is  a  type  which  reached  Mesopotamia 
from  the  "^gean,"  that  is  to  say,  from  the  Pelasgi,  and  probably 
did  not  obtain  currency  in  the  East  until  about  2000  b.c.  Finally, 
he  declares  his  view  emphatically  to  be,  "  that  the  figure  of  an 
unclothed  goddess  could  never  have  been  transmitted  to  Greece  by 
the  old  civilisations  of  Asia  Minor." 

In  the  elaboration  of  his  thesis  M.  Reinach  admits  that  among 
other  savants  MM.  Lenormant,  Heuzey,  and  Menant  are  opposed  to 
his  views  ;  especially  the  latter,  who,  among  many  other  cylinders 
described  by  him,  speaks  of  one  in  M.  de  Clerc's  collection  as 
"Une  deesse  nue  debout,"  beneath  her  an  animal,  perhaps  "a  dog." 
M.  Reinach,  very  properly  I  think,  suggests  a  lion,  but  then 
proceeds  to  utilise  the  scene  on  this  cylinder  for  his  hypothesis,  upon 
the  ground  that  we  only  know  of  o?}e  type  of  a  nude  female,  upon  a 
lion,  in  oriental  art:  that  of  the  deity  at  Kadesh,  "an  Amorite  or 
Hittitc  city  of  comparatively  late  date  which  had  come  under 
Egyptian  influence." 

*  Revue  Archcologiqitc,  1S95,  p.  370. 


May  5] 


PROCEEDINGS. 


[1896. 


There  are  various  reasons  which  should  cause  Orientalists  to 
hesitate  before  accepting  M.  Reinach's  novel  theory,  but  beyond 
these  there  is  one  fact  apparently  absolutely  fatal  to  it. 


I 


^h"^^'-^^^"^  "i 


ilk  «i,.^j^^>,| 


This  is  that  we  have  an  extremely  archaic  cylinder  which,  as 
many  authors  have  held  to  be  the  case,  precisely  proves  the  presence 
in  Chaldean  iconography  of  a  nude  goddess.  The  cylinder  was 
iirst  figured  and  described  by  Dr.  Hayes  Ward  (see  sketch),  and  in 
regard  to  its  age  he  says,  "We  have  in  the  cylinder  one  of  the 
precious  early  examples  of  Babylonian  art  when  mythological 
designs  were  in  the  formative  period ;  when  full  pictures  were  made, 
and  the  artist's  originality  had  not  yet  been  reduced  to  conventual 
signs  and  hints."  It  seems  likely  that  students  familiar  with 
cylinders  will  agree  with  Dr.  Ward,  and  so  M.  Reinach's  proposal 
to  change  our  views  will  fail.  It  is  singular  that  Dr.  Ward  argues 
that  the  goddess  is  Zarpanit,  the  same  whom  Lenormant  tells  us  was 
represented  nude  and  originated  the  nudity  of  Greek  art. 

Yours  sincerely, 

J.  Offord,  Junr. 


157 


May  5] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGV. 


[1896 


BAS-RELIEFS  DE  TIGLAT-PILESER  III. 


Par  Alfred  Boissier. 


Le  Musee  de  la  Societe  des  Antiquaires  de  Zurich  installe  dans 
le  "  Helmhaus  "  possede  un  certain  nombre  de  monuments  assyriens 
d'une  re'elle  valeur.  La  plupart  d'entre  eux  sont  deja  connus  par 
les  savants  travaux  de  MAI.  Oppert,  Schrader,  Grivel,  et  Delitzsch. 
Parmi  les  beaux  bas-reliefs  qui  se  trouvent  dans  la  salle  des  monu- 
ments orientaux  je  voudrais  attirer  specialement  I'attention  des 
savants  sur  les  bas-reliefs  *  de  Tiglat-Pileser  III,  qui  sont  places  a 
gauche  de  I'entree,  pres  de  la  fenetre,  et  en  face  de  ceux 
d'Assournasirpal.  J'ai  cherche  vainement  la  mention  de  ces  bas- 
reliefs  dans  le  travail  de  ]\I.  Paul  Rost,  Die  Keilschrifiextc  Tiii^lat- 
Pileser's  III,  Leipzig  1893.  Aussi  m'a-t-il  paru  utile  de  donner  une 
petite  note  sur  les  monuments  de  ce  roi,  dont  le  nombre  est  peu 
considerable. 

lis  se  composent  de  sept  fragments  bien  conserves,  qui  ont  et^ 
disposes  sur  deux  rangees;  trois  forment  la  rangde  superieure; 
quatre  la  rangee  inferieure. 

Quatre  seulement  de  ces  bas-reliefs  portent  de  courtes  inscrip- 
tions, ce  sont  les  Nos.  2,  3,  5  et  7  du  plan. 


I 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

Sur  le  No.  2  on  lit 

2  E^iT  ^t  ^-  AW  -ir<i  A\  ^i  A\\  ^  ^T  ^m^m 

3  ?3^y  tr ^  tin  --\<  m  t\  m  ^i?  ^^^  ^  -^^  -m  ^m 

*  Ces  bas-reliefs  ont  cte  decouveits  par  Layard  dans  ses  fouilles  a  Nimroud. 

158 


May  5]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

Dans  les  inscriptions  de  Tiglat-Pileser  III  les  signes  da  et  //  sont 
les  memes  que  leurs  correspondants  dans  les  inscriptions  vanniques, 
c'est-a-dire  qu'ils  sont  ecrits  ainsi  ^|<y  et  >-^^y<T. 

1.  le puissant,  le  fort,  himicre  de  tons  ses peiipks. . . 

2.  g'ui  aneantit  ses  adversaires  ie  noble,  le  coiirageux, 

3.  qui  coupe  les  itguruti  comme  uii  fil. 

1.  zikaru  dannu  nur  kissat  nise — su, 

2.  daibu  (taibu)  garesu  itlu  qardu  sapin  . . . 

3.  itguruti  (idguruti)  kima  qie  usallitunia.  * 

No.  3. 

2  ^T-  .tA  -4-  tr^r  :w^iiii     V  Vt  ^\  mm 

3  m  ^-  ^m^  Vr  -^r  tt^  ^^m^  ^^r<  <Bmm 

No.  5. 

1 7/  T- 1«  ^i  t:^  ^-  E?Tr  !MM  --  -r<r  -^r  ^^rr 

[^  \  i^^mm 

M.  Oppert  a  depuis  longtemps  reconnu  que  Tuna  =  Tyane 
(Asie-Mineure).  Le  nom  de  cette  ville  se  trouve  aussi  mentionne 
K  3061,  voir  le  Catalogue  de  Bezold  :  Tu-'-ia-na. 

No.   7. 
[>^y|  ^.  ^1  .^yy  .yy^  >^  ^yy^  ^.yy  yr  p^^^ 

2  ii][]^  r: ::  ^r?i3p  -r  ]^  -B  -ri  -  j^^t  ^  iin 

3  li  ^rii^ «  y-  ^r  -ir;;  ^r  igf  ^n  -^rr  ^yrrr  <^  ^rrr^ 

V.  pour  ces  inscriptions  Jiost  Autograpliierte  Texte,   page  i,   PI.  Ill, 
page  2,  Pis.  IV,  V  et  VI. 

*  Ce  passage  a  ete  deja  cite  par  Zimmern,  Babyloiiische  Busspsalmen,  p.  104. 


May  5]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1S96. 

Nous  sommes  loin  d'avoir  les  annales  de  Tiglat-Pileser  III  en 
entier.  Comme  on  le  voit  les  Nos.  2  et  3  nous  donnent  un  peu  de 
nouveau.  Mais  nous  aimerions  en  savoir  plus  long  sur  I'oeuvre  d'art 
rjue  le  prince  fit  faire  en  I'honneur  de  Nindagal.  Quant  au  No.  2, 
il  fait  partie  du  commencement  des  annales.  Tiglat-Pileser  III  et  son 
predecesseur,  Tiglat-Pileser  I,  sont  celebres  par  leurs  expeditions 
dans  rOccident,  et,  d'apres  une  conjecture  de  Noldeke,  leur  nom 
s'est  conserve  en  Asie-Mineure  dans  celui  de  "  Philottos,"  epoux  de 
la  Niobe  du  Sipyle. 

M.  Schrader  a  donne,  en  1879,  une  excellente  edition  de  Vln- 
scription  cC Assurnasirpal*  du  Musee  de  Zurich,  qu'il  a  revisee 
depuis. 

M.  Oppert  le  premier  a  publie'  le  Contrat  de  Pacorus,\  qui  d'apres 
nos  recherches  date  de  I'epoque  Achemenide,  et  porta  non  pas  le 
nom  de  Pacorus,  mais  celui  de  Xerxes.  Nous  lisons  Ih-ha-ri-su, 
forme  peu  correcte,  pour  Ih-sa-ha-ri-su  (v.  une  note  sur  ce  contrat 
dans  le  prochain  numero  de  la  Zeitschrift  de  Bezold).  Xerxes  se  lit 
dans  les  contrats  publics  par  Evetts  :  Ak-ka-si-ar-si,  Ih-si-ia-ar-su ;  en 
susien  :  Iksersa,  Ikserissa ;  dans  le  vieux  perse  :  Hisi'arsi.+ 

Enfin  le  vocabulaire  de  Zurich  a  ete  publie  par  Delitzsch  dans 
ses  Assyrische  1  sestiicke  (3*^  edition). 

Au  point  de  vue  artistique  les  bas-reliefs  de  Tiglat-Pileser  III 
sont  interessai  :s.  Les  personnages  sont  traites  avec  habilete. 
Le  detail  des  r  uscles  est  un  peu  exagere,  mais  dans  ces  scenes  de 
combat  il  y  a  >  u  mouvement. — Nous  avons  le  regret  de  ne  pouvoir 
accompagner  cette  petite  note  d'une  photographic.  Quoi  qu'il  en 
soit,  le  petit  musee  de  Zi.irich  merite  une  visite  des  assyriologues  de 
passage  en  Suisse. 

*  Inschrift  Assiiriiasirhahars,  Text  unci  Ubersetzung,  von  Eberhard  Schrader, 
Berlin,  1879,  et  Standard- fnschri ft  Kiinig  Asiiniasiradals,  seulenient  le  texte. 
(V.  aussi  le  travail  de  j\1.  (irivel  publie  en  1867.) 

t  Melanges  d'Arch'-ologie  egyptienne  et  a':syrictiiit-,  T.  I.,  p.  24,  et  Docu- 
ments Jiiridiqiies  en  collaboration  avec  M.  Menant,  p.  342. 

Pour  les  inscriptions  de  Tiglat-Pileser  III  v.  le  memoire  d'Eberhard  Schrader 
Zitr  Kritik  der  Inschriften  Tiglat-Pilesers  II,  Berlin,   1880. 

X  M.  Schrader  m'ecrit  quePei^er  a  emis  recemment  la  meme  conjecture.  J'ai 
examine  avec  soin  I'original,  et  j'ai  la  certitude  que  le  premier  signe  est  Ih. 


160 


May  5]  PROCEEDINGS,  [1896. 

SEPULCHRAL  FIGURES    USUALLY   CALLED   USHABTL 


31,  Lansdowne  Road,  S.W., 

May  lyh,  1896. 

Dear  Mr.  Rylands, 

In  a  letter  I  have  received  from  Dr.  Petrie  he  informs 
me  that  I  am  in  error  in  saying,  that  no  XXIIIrd,  XXIVth,  or 
XXVth  dynasty  ushabtis  are  known.  He  says  there  are  plenty  "  not 
only  by  inference,  but  absolutely  dated,  e.g.,  those  of  Amenardus 
and  Shepenapt." 

Referring  to  Ptolemaic  and  Roman  ushabti  he  also  says,  that 
"in  the  hundreds  of  graves  of  those  ages  that  I  have  opened  not  a 
trace  of  an  ushabti  has  been  found."  He  also  draws  my  attention  to 
a  word  I  have  used  which  probably  conveys  a  wrong  idea,  viz., 
"  glaze  "  on  alabaster.  I  did  not  mean  to  imply  that  it  was  fired  on, 
which  of  course  is  impossible,  but  alluded  more  to  the  appearance  ; 
it  was  probably  coloured  wax  that  was  used. 

Also  Mrs.  Goodison  has  drawn  my  attention  to  a  very  beautiful 
bright  blue  ushabti  of  the  XXXth  dynasty,  in  the'  Turin  Museum, 
bearing  the  cartouche  of  Nectanebo  I ;  it  is  about  )^  inches  high ; 
but  ytill  I  think  these  bright  coloured  ones  are  the  ;xception  at  that 
date,  I  had  quite  forgotten  it.  Also  there  is  no  doubt,  as  she  says, 
it  is  only  one  of  a  number. 

In  looking  at  the  Turin  Catalogue  my  eye  caught  another 
number  a  little  higher  up  the  same  page  as  the  Nectanebo  one,  it  is 
described  as  a  bronze  ushabti,  about  5  inches  high,  and  has  the 
cartouche  of  Rameses  III  on  it.  Dr.  Petrie  says  that  to  the  best  of 
his  belief  it  is  genuine  ;  if  this  is  so  I  must  modify  my  statement 
about  no  metal  ones  being  known  ;  I  have  seen  metal  ones,  but  they 
were  undoubtedly  forgeries. 

Believe  me,  dear  Mr.  Rylands, 
Yours  faithfully, 

E.  TowRY  Whyte. 


161 


May  5] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/LOLOGY 


[1896. 


The  next  Meeting  of  the  Society  will  be  held  at  37, 
'Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  VV.C,  on  Tuesday,  2nd 
June,  1896,  at  8  p.m.,  when  the  following  Papers  will  be 
read  : — 

Rev.  G.  Margoliouth — "Some  Fragments  of  the  Palestinian 
Syriac  Version  of  the  Holy  Scriptures." 

Sir  p.  Le  P.  Renouf  {Presidenf)^^'-  Young  and  Champollion 
•on  Hieroglyphic  Discovery." 


162 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY  PUBLICATIONS. 


In  8  Parts.     Price  5s.  each.     With  full  Illustrations  of  the  Vignettes. 
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Zhc  lEQWtinn  Book  of  the  2)eab, 

BEING   A 

Complete  Translation,  Commentary,  and  Notes, 

By  sir  p.  LE  page  RENOUF,  Knt.  {President); 

CONTAINING   ALSO 

^  Series  of  ^9lates  of  tte  ITigncttcs  of  tf)e  tn'fferent  (Q^ftapters. 


The  request  having  been  made  by  a  number  of  friends  that  this 
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^be  JBronse  ©tnaments  of  tbe 
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Parts  I,  II,  III,  and  IV  have  now  beea  issued  to  Subscribers. 

In  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  original  prospectus  the  price  for 
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J)rice)  £x  IS. 


Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 


COUNCIL,     1896. 


President. 
Sir  p.  le  Page  Renouf,  Knt. 

Vice-  Presidents . 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

The  Most  Noble  the  Marquess  ok  Bute,  K.T.,  &c.,  &c. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Amherst  of  Hackney. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Hai.skury. 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  M.P.,  D.C.L.,  &c. 

F.  D.  Mocatta,  F.S.A.,  &c. 

Walter  Morrison,  M.P. 

Sir  Charles  Nicholson,  Bart.,  D.C.L.,  M.D.,  &c. 

Rev.  George  Rawlinson,  D.D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 


Council. 


Rev.  Charles  James  Ball,  M.A. 

Arthur  Gates. 

Rev.  Prof.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  D.D. 

Thomas  Christy,  F.L.S, 

Dr.  J.  Hall  Gladstone,  l-'.R.S. 

Charles  Harrison,  F.S.A. 

Gray  Hill. 

Prof.  T.  Hayter  Lewis,  F.S.A. 

l-'r.v.  Albert  Luwy,  LL.D.,  &c. 


Rev.  James  Marshall,  ^LA. 

Claude  G.  Montefiore. 

Walter  L.  Nash,  F.S.A. 

Alexander  Peckover,  F.S.A. 

Prof.  P.  Pierret. 

J.  Pollard. 

EdwardB.  Tylor,  LL.D.,F.R.S., 

&c. 
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Honorary  Treasurer — Bernard  T.  Bosanquet. 

Secretary — W.  Harry  Rylands,  F.S.A. 

Honorary  Secretary  for  Foreign  Correspondence — Rev,   R.  Gwynne,  B.A. 

Honorary  Librarian — WiLLIAM  SIMPSON,  F.K.G.S. 


HARRISON   AND   SONS,    PRINTERS    IN    ORDINARY  TO    HER    MAJIiSTV,    ST.    MARTIN  S    LANli. 


VOL.  XVIII.  Part  6. 


PROCEEDINGS 


THE    SOCIETY 


BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY. 


-4y.^>- 


VOL.  XVIII.     TWENTY-SIXTH  SESSION. 

Fz/t/i  Meeting,  J  line  2nd,  1896. 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Sir  p.  Le  Page  Renouf  {President). — The  Book  of  the  Dead. 

Notes  to  Chapter  CXXVIII 165-169 

Prof.  A.  II.  Sayce.— Assyriological  Notes.     No.  I     170-186 

Dr.  W.  Max  Muller. — On  a  Hieroglyphic  Sign    187-191 


^H^- 

PUBLISHED   AT 

THE     OFFICES     OF     THE     SOCIETY, 

37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C, 

18  96. 


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SOCIETY   OF    BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY. 

37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


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PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE     SOCIETY 


OF 


BIBLICAL     ARCHEOLOGY. 


TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION,    1896. 


Fifth  Meetings  2nd  June  ^  1 896. 
SIR  P.  LE   PAGE   RENOUF,  President, 

IN   THE   CHAIR. 


-^m- 


The    following    Presents    were    announced,   and    thanks 
ordered  to  be  returned  to  the  Donors : — 

From  F.   Legge,  Esq.  : — Der   gnostische    Papyrus  von  London. 

Einleitung,  text,  und  demotisch-deutsches  glossar,  von  J.  J.  Hess. 

Freiburg  (Schweiz).     1892.     Folio. 
From  the  Author,  Professor   R.  V.  Lanzone  : — Les  Papyrus  du 

lac  Moeris,  reunis  et  reproduits  en  fac-simile,  et  accompagnes 

d'un  texte  explicatif     Turin.     1896.     Folio. 
[No.  cxxxix.]  163  N 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

From   the   Author,    Professor   E.  Lefebure  : — Le   lievre  dans  la 

Mythologie.     Foho.     1896.     Paris. 
Mc  In  sine.  Tome  VIII.     No.  2. 

The  following  Candidate  was  submitted  for  election, 
having  been  nominated  at  the  last  Meeting,  held  on  the 
5th  May,  1896: — 

Miss  Elizabeth  S.  Colton,  Easthampton,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 

To  be  added  to  the  List  of  Subscribers  : — 
The    Edinburgh    Public    Library,    Hew   Morrison,   F.S.A.   Scot., 
Librarian. 


Sir  P.  le  P.  Renouf  {PresideJit),  made  some  remarks  on 
the  Inscription  recently  discovered  in  Egypt  by  Dr.  Petrie. 

A  Paper  was  read  by  the  Rev.  G.  Margoliouth  :  "  Some 
Fragments  of  the  Palestinian  Version  of  the  Holy  Scriptures." 

Remarks  were  added  by  the  Rev.  R.  Gwynne  {Sec.  for  For. 
Corr.),  Rev.  G.  Margoliouth,  and  the  President.  Thanks  were 
returned  for  these  communications. 

A  Paper  was  read  by  Sir  P.  le  P.  Renouf  {^President) : 
"Young  and  Champollion  on  Hieroglyphic  Discovery." 

A  vote  offering  the  congratulations  of  the  Society  to  Sir 
P.  le  P.  Renouf  {President),  for  the  honour  Her  Majesty  the 
Queen  had  recently  conferred  on  him,  was  proposed  by 
Mr.  T.  Christy,  seconded  by  Mr.  P.  R.  Reed,  carried 
unanimously  and  ordered  to  be  entered  on  the  minutes. 


164 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


BOOK     OF     THE     DEAD. 
By  P,  le  Page  Renouf. 


CHAPTER    CXXVHI. 

Invocation  of  Osiris. 

Hail  to  thee,  Osiris  Unneferu,  son  of  Nut  and  eldest  son  of 
Seb :  the  Great  One  who  proceed eth  from  Nut  ;  the  king  in 
Nefu-urit;  (i)  the  Prince  in  Amenta;  the  Lord  of  Abydos  ;  the 
Lord  of  Forces ;  the  most  Mighty  ;  the  Lord  of  the  Atef  crown 
in  Suten-hunen,  the  Lord  of  Power  in  Nefu-urit,  (2)  the  Lord  of 
the  Mansion  :  most  Powerful  in  Tattu  :  Lord  of  Administration,  (3) 
and  of  many  festivals  in  Tattu. 

Horus  exalteth  his  father  Osiris  in  every  place ;  associating  Isis 
the  Great  with  her  sister  Nephthys. 

Thoth  speaketh  to  [Horus]  with  the  potent  utterances  (4)  which 
have  in  himself  their  origin  and  proceed  from  his  mouth,  and  which 
strengthen  the  heart  of  Horus  beyond  all  gods. 

Rise  up  Horus,  son  of  Isis,  and  restore  thy  father 
Osiris ! 

Ha,  Osiris  !  I  am  come  to  thee  ;  I  am  Horus  and  I  restore 
thee  unto  life  upon  this  day,  with  the  funereal  offerings  and  all  good 
things  for  Osiris. 

Rise  up,  then,  Osiris  :  I  have  stricken  down  for  thee  thine 
enemies,  I  have  delivered  thee  from  them. 

I  am  Horus  on  this  fair  day,  at  the  beautiful  coming  forth  (5) 
of  thy  Powers  :  who  lifteth  thee  up  with  himself  on  this  fair  day  as 
thine  associate  god.  (6) 

Ha,  Osiris  !  thou  hast  come  and  with  thee  thy  Ka,  which  uniteth 
with  thee  in  thy  name  of  Ka-hotep.  (7) 

He  glorifieth  thee  in  thy  name  of  the  Glorified  :  he  invoketh  thee 
in  thy  name  of  Hekau  :  he  openeth  for  thee  the  paths  in  thy  name 
of  Ap-uat.  (8) 

Ha,  Osiris  !  I  am  come  to  thee  that  I  may  set  thine  adversaries 

beneath  thee  in  every  place,  and  that  thou  mayest  be  triumphant  in 

presence  of  all  the  gods  who  are  around  thee. 

165  N  2 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

Ha,  Osiris  !  thou  hast  received  thy  sceptre,  thy  pedestal  and  the 
flight  of  stairs  beneatli  thee.  (9) 

Regulate  thou  the  festivals  of  the  gods,  and  do  thou  regulate  the 
oblations  to  those  who  reside  in  their  mansions. 

Grant  thou  thy  greatness  to  the  gods  whom  thou  hast  made, 
great  god,  and  make  thine  appearance  with  them  as  their  Ensign.  (10) 

Take  thou  precedence  (11)  over  all  the  gods  and  listen  to  the 
Voice  of  Maat  on  this  day. 

Said  aver  the  oblations  made  to  the  Strong  One  on  the  Festival 
of  Uaka.  (12) 

Notes. 

The  ancient  papyri  do  not  contain  this  chapter.  The  translation 
follows  the  text  of  the  Turin  Todtenbuch,  occasionally  corrected  by 
other  papyri  of  the  later  period.  There  is  nothing  specially  in- 
teresting in  the  chapter  :  the  first  portion  of  it  is  an  invocation  to 
Osiris  under  certain  names,  as  in  many  other  hymns*  to  the  god 
from  the  time  of  the  Xllth  dynasty  down  to  the  latest  times  :  the 
latter  portion  consists  of  evocations  addressed  by  Horus  to  his 
father.  Their  prototype  is  to  be  found  in  formulas  frequent  in  the 
Pyramid  Texts.  These  were  much  admired  and  imitated  in  the 
Saitic  and  the  later  periods. 

1.  King  in  Nefii-urit  I  ^  ^ -C-^  ^^^  S  •  Osiris  is  also 
called  0 1 OQ  |4  ^v  ^T^  '^1'^  at  Philos.  And  in  the  second  line  of 
this  chapter  he  is  called  ^kZ^  ()  J]  /«  Nefu-urit  which,  if  not  identical 

with  Abydos,  must  have  been  a  part  of  that  town  or  in  its  immediate 
neighbourhood. 

2.  ^:Z^  I  ^  z=  X^  ^^  ^  g  is  equivalent  to  |  ^  ^  ,  the 
title  of  Osiris   in  Fepi  /,    line  8.      And  the  Power  is  defined  as 


"thy  Power  which  is  upon  the 


Glorified.' 

X.  Administration    E^  ;     literally    things.      See    note    3    on 
^  III 

Chapter  18. 

*  Cf.  the  Hymn  to  Osiris  in  the  V>\\A.  Nationale,  the  Hymn  of  Tunrei  (Mariette, 
Mou.  (liv.,  pi.  57),  and  an  inscription  copied  l)y  Mariette  from  the  temple  of  Ptah 
at  Memphis  [Mon.  div.,  pi.  28  c).     There  are  plenty  others  of  the  same  kind. 

166 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


4.  Utterances  '^^         •     See  note  2  on  Chapter  i,  and  compare 

Merenrd,  103,  and  Fepi  II,  13. 

5.  Conmig  forth  i^-  Cf.  cyA.1,  avcneKXeu^,  (iunroX)),  and  the 
meanings  d^ocet'a  and  lopr))  which,  on  the  tablet  of  Canopus,  corres 
pond  to  the  Egyptian    Q„.     The  first  hour  after  sunrise  was  called 

I  I     ;  so  that  "  the  beautiful  Coming  forth  of  thy  Powers  "  may 

be  a  mere  technical  periphrasis  for  daybreak. 

Besides  the    ^   "v^  ""^^^      X^  of  Ra  in  Chapter  1 7,  it  is  well  to 

remember  such  proper  names  as      Q    ^    }  ,  r>i^ 

v__-*  Q  '^m  '  ^^'■^^  several  others. 

6.  Thine  associate  god,  or  one  of  those  about  thee, 


fl  u 


O    ff\  I  I  I 


Ki)  tSi  lO 

See  Note  2  on  Chapter  18.  M.  Chabas  in  his  commentary  upon 
the  fine  hymn  translated  by  him  in  the  Rev.  Arch.,  1857,  considers 
it  "  une  circonstance  bizarre  "  that  Osiris  is  several  times  included 
among  his  '  Djadjou.^  The  bizarrerie  is  easily  explained  by  parallel 
expressions  known  to  every  Greek  scholar,  ol  uf-ifjil  Hctatarpajov  in 
Herodotus  means  Pisistratus  with  his  troops,  and  in  Thucydides, 
Of  7re/j<  QpacrvjiovKoi'  means  Thrasybuliis  with  his  soldiers.  In  the 
Iliad  (3,  146)  OL  u^KJii  UiMu/iioi'  is  explained  by  the  Scholiast  as 
meaning  Priam  himself :  tout  iajiv^  o  Upia^io^. 

7.  This  passage  as  it  stands  is  the  alteration  of  one  of  the 
Pyramid  Texts  (Teta,  284;  Pepi  I,  54):  "  Horus  hath  brought  to 
pass  that  his  Ka  [?  image]  which  is  in  thee  should  unite  with  thee  in 
thy  name  of  Ka-hotep." 

8.  This  whole  passage  is  also  taken  from  the  Pyramid  Texts. 
Its  chief  value  in  this  place  is  in  evidence  of  a  truth  not  yet 
generally  acknowledged  by  Egyptologists,  that  Ap-uat  (or  as  written 
in  the  Pyramid  Texts,  Up-uat)  is  really  Osiris.  The  proofs  are 
numerous  and  overwhelming. 

I  produced  evidence  of  this  identity  in  the  P.S.B.A.  of  June  i, 
1886,  from  an  obelisk  of  the  Xllth  dynasty  now  at  Alnwick  Castle, 
and  in  1891  Brugsch  published  in  his  Thesaurus  (p.  1420)  a  tablet, 
now  in  the  I>ouvre,  of  the  same  period  as  the  obelisk,  which  also 
treats  Ap-uat  as  one  of  the  names  of  Osiris.    But  the  earliest  as  well 

167 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGV.  [1896. 

as  the  most  instructive  evidence  is  tliat  of  the  Pyramid  Texts.  The 
later  form  of  it  is  thus  given  on  the  coffin  of  Nes-Shu-Tefmit  at 
Vienna  (see  Bergman,  Rcaieil,  VI,  p.  165):  "  Horus  openeth  for 
thee  thy  Two  Eyes  that  thou  mayest  see  with  them  in  thy  name  of 
Ap-uat." 

But  the  Pyramids  of  Teta  (I.  281)  and  Pepi  (1.  131)  say,  "Horus 
openeth  for  thee  thine  Eye  that  thou  mayest  see  with  it  in  its  name 
Ap-uat."  Each  of  the  Eyes  of  Osiris  is  Ap-uat,  one  of  them  is  the 
Southern  and  the  other  is  the  Northern  Jackal.  These  two  facing 
each  other  form  part  of  the  symbolism  explained  in  Note  2  upon 
Chapter  125. 

The  figure  of  the  Jackal  is  wholly  insufficient  as  an  argument 
that  Ap-uat  is  identical  with  Anubis.  Much  better  evidence  is  found 
in  the  fact  that  the  name  of  Anubis  is  sometimes  written  over  the 
figure.*  But  the  true  explanation  of  this  is,  what  might  have  seemed 
incredible  to  some  of  our  older  scholars,  that  Anubis  is  itself  only 
one  of  the  names  of  Osiris. 

The  Pyramids  of  Pepi  I  (line  474  and  following)  and  Pepi  II 
(1.  1262  and  following)  give  imaginary  etymologies  of  certain  names 
of  Osiris  which  are  repeated  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  tomb  of 
Horhotep,  published  by  M.  Maspero  {Miss.  Arch.,  I,  260).     One  of 

— ••—    \  ji  —rr 

these  names  is  '^ a,  ^\M.  ,  which  is  said  to  be  derived  from  v ^t , 


"pass  thou  over  to  me."     The  next  is   (I  J^:^).  ^  Anpu,  which 

is  derived  from  v\  !      The  true  meaning  of  (I  v^  is  not 

jackal.,  but  avhelp ;  the  fierce  young  of  an  animal ;  not  only  of  jackals 

or  lions  but  of  men,  kings  or  gods,  [1  4  .     Thus  Orestes  speaks 

(Eur.,  Orest.,  i)  of  (tkv/hi'oi'  avoalov  ttht/jo's-,  and  the  Chorus  of  another 
play  talks  of  the  reception  of  tov  'Ax^'A-Xg^oi/  aKvfivov  {Andr.,  11 70). 
And  Shakespeare  speaks  of  "the  young  whelp  of  Talbot's  raging 
brood." 

9.  Pedestal.,  [I  "^v   y  ^    ;   the  stand  upon  which  the  images  or 

emblems  of  the  god  were  carried  in  procession.     The  |    |  is  very 

frequently  supported  by  it  ;      '--|    . 

*  See  Marietta,  Mon.  div.,  pi.  61,  where  each  of  the  jackals  is  surmounted 
with  the  Eye  and  bears  the  name  A  npu. 

168 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

Flight  of  stairs,  ^^  .      See  Note  2  on  Chapter  22. 

10.  Etisign,  i.e.,  insignis,  one  who  bears  the  distinguishing  mark 

or  sign  of  investiture  fi  ^  9-*    See  Note  4  on  Chapter  78. 

Osiris  is  here  presented  as  the  Sahu  of  the  gods  whom  he  has 
called  into  existence.     The  Hymn  of  the   Bibliotheque   Nationale 

(line  7)  calls  him  ^  %  ffUl  ^  |  • 

Chnumhotep  at  Benihassan  says  of  the  king,  ^^5^  v\ 

^  /W-.W.  v\  ^r^  rJfl  ,    "  he   distinguished    me   above   all    his 

nobles"  that  is  the  order  of  men  bearing  the  sign  of  investiture. 

1 1 .  Take  precedence,  1  1  ■=^:5-^ .  I  take  the  word  in  the  same 
sense  as  where  it  occurs  (without  the  determinative  of  sound)  in 
Denkm.,\\\,  2(^'ix.-,   in  parallelism  with  ^^      . 

12.  Uaka,  Y^  ®  ^^  CT\  '  "^  ^'^  older  texts  -^  ]  S  {~\  (as 
in  Pepi  I,  98) ;  one  of  the  oldest  festivals  of  the  Egyptian  calendar, 
kept  on  the  17th  and  18th  of  the  month  Thoth. 

The  Pyramid  Text  says  "Behold,  he  cometh  to  thee  as  Orion 

(     Q       U    )j  behold    Osiris   cometh   as   Orion    the  Lord  of  Wine 

(  ^Ziy  (I  ,  vinosus,  full  of  wine),  who  cometh  on  the  fair  festival 

of  Uaka." 

Uaka,  ^S  Vv  T=r  or  -jb  )  ^^^.  i^zn  is  also  one  of  the 
names  given  to  the  Nile. 

*  The  importance  of  this  sign  is  manifest  in  the  Pyramid  Text  {Merenrii,  634), 
"  A^maketh  his  appearance  as  King,  he  hath  possession  of  his     I  X      Q      and  of 
his  throne.  '      [Since  the  above  was  in  print  M.  Naville  has  published  an  inscrip- 
tion of  Queen  Hatshepsit,  in  which  the  remarkable  expression  1 1    \     ^;:rV    V 
occurs  three  times.] 

t  Does  "ffl^  represent  what  we  call  the  Belt  of  Orion  with  its  three  bright  stars  ? 

The   word   written    [1|^'^'[1 ^f"^'    ^"^   ^^^'^    P  ^  i  ^T^    °' 

I    Y^  «  ^   (and   also   without    any   vowel,    though    ^\     is   understood),    has 

determinatives  in  Pepi  I,  635,  and  Merenra,  509,  which  imply  the  sense  oi girdle, 
zone.     Hence  the  sense  of  neighbourhood,  "  the  men  or  places  round  about  one." 

169 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 


ASSYRIOLOGICAL   NOTES.      No.  i. 

By  Professor  A.  H.  Sayce. 

I  feel  I  cannot  do  better  than  follow  the  excellent  example  set 
by  Prof.  Hommel,  and  send  the  Society  some  notes  I  have  made 
on  certain  points  connected  with  cuneiform  research.  They  are 
part  of  a  collection  that  has  been  lying  by  me  for  some  time,  though 
I  have  not  hitherto  found  the  leisure  to  throw  them  into  a  form  fit 
for  publication.  Most  of  them  relate  to  matters  of  history  and 
geography. 

I.  Prof.  Hommel's  acute  suggestion  that  the  name  of  the 
country  in  the  mountains  of  "  Martu,"  from  which  Gudea  imported 
7iagal  or  "  limestone  "  must  be  read  Subsalla,  and  identified  with 
the  land  of  Zabsali  which  was  overrun  by  Gamil-Sin,  king  of  Ur, 
is  confirmed  by  a  passage  in  the  old  geographical  list  published  in 
W.A.I. ,  II.  50.  71.  where  it  is  called  Sa77i-sal-\la\.  The  pronun- 
ciation of  the  name  was  probably  Savsalla ;  as  is  well  known,  final 
V  or  w  is  represented  in  the  Sumerian  texts  by  an  interchange  of 
b  and  in  (or  v).  The  14  preceding  lines  of  the  list  read  : — "The 
land  of  Martu  is  the  land  of  the  Amcrites  {A/iiurrc) ;  the  land  of 
Tidnum  is  the  land  of  the  Amorites ;  the  land  of  Girgir  is  the 
land  of  the  Amorites  ;  the  land  of  Suri  is  the  land  of  Suwarti 
(Northern  Mesopotamia) ;  the  land  of  Nimma  is  the  land  of  Elam  ; 
the  land  of  Gutium  is  the  land  of  Gutu  (Kurdistan) ;  Zag-Gutium  is 
the  frontier  of  Gutu  ;  the  land  of  Sirum  (?)  is  the  land  of  Sir[iJ ; 
the  land  of  Cedars  is  the  land  of  Mar[tu] ;  the  land  of  Markhasi 
(Mer'ash)  is  the  land  of  S[uwarti] ;  the  land  of  Sirrum  is  [the  land 
of]  ...  ;  the  land  of  Bit-Anu  is  [the  land  of  Ararat]  ;  the  land  of 
Khana  is  [the  land  of]  ...  ;  the  land  of  Lulubi  is  [the  land  of 
Gutu  ?] ;  the  land  of  Samsal[!a  is  the  land  of  Martu]."  The  Kurds 
of  Kurdistan  derive  their  name  from  the  Babylonian  g2/radu,  "  a 
warrior  " — a  word  which  was  also  borrowed  by  the  Vannic  language 
of  ancient  Armenia,  under  the  form  of  khiiradi — and  quradu  is 
given  as  the   equivalent  of  ,?/^/ (W.A.I. ,  11.   36.   2),  the  sister  form 

170 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

qarradu  being  also  given  as  a  translation  of  gutu.  Giid  or  gudi 
in  Sumerian  signified  "a  bull";  Gutu,  however,  was  probably  not 
a  Sumerian  but  a  native  Kurdish  word.  The  Sumerian  geographical 
name  Gutium  was  borrowed  from  a  Semitic  language  (probably  that 
of  Babylonia)  which  possessed  the  case-ending  -um.  Bit-Anu,  a 
play  upon  the  name  Bilanu  (?  the  land  of  "palaces")  applied  to 
Biainas  or  Van  in  Armenia,  is  also  Semitic. 

Suri  or  Suru,  for  the  character  t:'^^{  had  the  value  of  7-u  or 
rum,  as  well  as  of  ri  (see  W.A.I.,  II.  56.  59^),  corresponded  in  a 
general  way  to  the  classical  Mesopotamia,  though  it  extended 
further  to  the  north-west,  and  when  Cyrus  attacked  its  king  he  is 
said,  in  his  Annalistic  Tablet  i^Obv.  II,  16)  to  have  crossed  the 
Tigris  below  the  city  of  Arbela.  Suri  seems  to  be  a  contracted 
form  of  the  Semitic  Babylonian  Suwarti  or  Subarti,  also  written 
Subarti  and  Subari  (W.A.I.,  I.  10.  89,  II.  i.  3).  Subari  is  found 
in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets.  Tiglath-Pileser  I  uses  it  in  the 
restricted  Assyrian  sense  of  the  district  north  of  Harran  and  Diar- 
bekir.  It  is  questionable  whether  Suri  has  any  connection  with  the 
city  of  Suri  mentioned  in  the  Assyrian  historical  inscription.  This 
Suri  is  the  classical  Sura,  the  modern  Suriyeh,  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Euphrates,  to  the  north  of  Thapsacus  ;  it  is  called  Sur  by 
the  Egyptian  kingThothmes  III,  in  his  list  of  conquered  localities  in 
northern  Syria  (No.  252).  Since  Noldeke's  discussion  of  the  subject 
it  has  been  generally  assumed  that  "  Syria  "  is  an  abbreviated  form 
of  "Assyria"  ;  it  may,  however,  after  all  be  descended  from  Suri.* 

The  land  of  Khana  has  been  confounded  by  Prof.  Jensen 
(Z.D.M.G.,  XLVIII,  II,  p.  239)  with  Khani-rabbat,  with  which  it 
has  nothing  to  do.  As  I  pointed  out  in  1889  (Records  of  the  Past, 
New  Ser.,  II,  p.  149,  note  3),  while  Khani-rabbat  was  eastern 
Kappadokia,  Khana  lay  on  the  eastern  frontier  of  Babylonia,  and 
is  associated  with  Lulume  (Luluwe)  or  Lulubi,  W.A.I.,  I.  28.  17, 
18.  The  kings  of  Khana  bore  Babylonian  names,  and  wrote  in  the 
Babylonian  language,  as  we  know  from  the  inscription  of  one  of  them 
now  in  the  British  Museum,  and  words  belonging  to  the  language 
of  Khana  are  to  be  found  in  the  lexical  tablets. 

The  "land  of  the  Amorites  "  included  not  only  Central  Syria, 
but  also  Canaan,  and  "  Amorite  "  is  accordingly  often  the  equivalent 

*  It  is  noteworthy  that  in  the  Mujellibeh  inscription  of  Nabonidos,  discovered 
by  Dr.  Scheil,  the  Assyrian  king  is  called  "the  king  of  Su-ri"  (Col.  I,  35, 
II,  18). 

171 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 

of  "Canaanite,"  as  in  certain  passages  of  the  Pentateuch.  This 
shows  that  when  the  Babylonians  first  became  acquainted  with 
Syria  the  Amorites  were  the  dominant  population  there.  When 
the  Assyrians  first  invaded  Central  Syria  and  Palestine,  the  place 
of  the  Amorites  had  been  taken  by  the  Hittites,  and  consequently 
in  the  Assyrian  texts  the  inhabitants  of  the  west  are  summed  up 
under  the  name  of  Hittites.  Shalmaneser  II  even  calls  the  Kings 
of  Israel,  of  Arvad,  and  of  Ammon  Kings  of  "the  Hittites"  {Black 
Obelisk,  88).  The  Sumerian  Martu,  "the  land  of  the  Amorites," 
must  have  been  taken  from  a  Semitic  form  of  the  name  which 
had  the  feminine  suffix  attached  to  it,  and  then  by  a  Volksety- 
mologie  have  been  slightly  changed  in  pronunciation  so  as  to 
resemble  the  two  Sumerian  words  Mar-tu,  "  the  abode  of  the  setting 
(sun)."  The  Semitic  language  from  which  Martu  was  borrowed, 
however,  was  not  Babylonian,  as  the  only  form  of  the  name  known 
to  the  latter  dialect  was  Aimirrii,  and  it  was  probably  one  of  the 
Semitic  dialects  of  the  west.  It  is  noticeable  that  in  Gen.  xxii,  2 
the  Septuagint  translators  read  Moreh  ( =  Martu)  instead  of  Moriah, 
and  that  the  Syriac  has  "  Amorites."  It  is  possible  that  the  name 
of  the  Phoenician  town  of  Marathus  is  the  same  as  Martu,  and 
Brathy  was  a  mountain  famous  in  Phoenician  mythology. 

Why  the  name  of  the  Amorite-land  should  have  been  symbolised 
by  two  feet  facing  one  another  {g  i  R  -  G  i  r)  in  early  Babylonian 
writing  it  is  impossible  to  say.  Perhaps  we  shall  discover  the  reason 
when  the  Hittite  Hieroglyphs  are  deciphered.  In  the  syllabaries 
the  double  ideograph  is  given  as  the  equivalent  of  Tidnu.  Prof. 
Hommel  has  long  since  pointed  out  that  Tidnu  is  the  Tidanum  of 
Gudea  from  which  the  stone  called  sir-gal  khab-hi-a  was  brought  to 
Chaldea. 

2.  The  origin  of  the  name  Kasdim  applied  in  the  Old  Testament 
to  Babylonia  is  still  enveloped  in  mystery.  But  it  should  be  noticed 
that  Chesed  (Gen.  xxii.  22)  was  an  Aramrean,  the  brother  of  the 
North  Arabian  tribes,  Uz,  Buz,  and  Hazo  and  that  Arphaxad,  the 
representative  of  the  Babylonians  (Gen.  x.  22)  is  a  compound  of 
Chesed,  not  Chesed  itself.  In  W.A.I.,  III.  66,  Rev.,  16-35  /  ^^^ 
have  a  list  of  the  deities  of  the  Suti  or  Bedawin  ;  among  them  is 
Um-Kasda-KI  (1.  31)  "the  Mother  of  the  land  of  Kasda,"  which 
would  therefore  have  presumably  been  in  the  desert  west  of  the 
Euphrates.  It  is  noticeable  that  in  81.  2-4.  287,  kasdu  is  given  as 
the  equivalent  oi  i7-zitum  "land"  and  qaqqaru  "ground."     It  would 

172 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

seem  that  Kasda  (which  was  a  city  as  well  as  a  country),  lay  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Euphrates  in  the  Arabian  territory  of  the  Bedawin, 
and  that  the  Hebrew  use  of  the  name  to  denote  Babylonia  east  of 
the  Euphrates  must  have  been  a  later  extension  of  it.  How  it 
came  about  we  may  perhaps  understand  from  the  following  con- 
siderations. The  dynasty  of  Ur,  which  immediately  preceded  that 
founded  by  Sumu-abi  or  Samu-abi  ("Shem  is  my  father")  at 
Babylon,  was  not  only  supreme  in  Babylonia,  but  had  also  made 
conquests  in  the  west.  As  has  been  observed  above,  Gamil-  Sin 
over-ran  the  land  of  Zabsali,  of  which  the  daughter  either  of  himself 
or  of  some  other  king  of  Ur  married  the  patesi  or  High-priest.  At 
this  period,  accordingly,  the  representative  of  Babylonia  to  the 
Hebrew-speaking  people  of  Canaan  would  have  been  the  city  of  Ur^ 
which  was  rather  in  the  desert,  in  the  domain  of  the  Suti,  than  in 
Babylonia  proper.  In  the  great  Babylonian  astronomical  work  we 
read  (W.A.I.,  HI.  60.  2.  83),  "To  the  King  of  Kisarra  power  is- 
given  ;  misfortune  to  Ur."  Kisarra  means  "  the  land  of  the  hordes," 
that  is  to  say  Arabia  Petrsea  with  its  hordes  of  nomad  Bedawin. 
I  believe  that  the  Babylonian  Kisurru,  "  the  frontier,"  is  a  Semitised 
form  of  Kisarra  which  has  assumed  the  general  sense  of  "  frontier," 
Kisarra  having  for  so  many  centuries  bounded  Babylonia  on  the 
west.  At  all  events  Kisarra  represents  that  part  of  the  world  in 
which  Uz,  Buz,  and  Hazo  were  situated,  and  to  which  therefore 
Chesed  presumably  belonged.  While  to  the  Babylonian  Ur  was 
distinct  from  Kisarra,  by  the  western  Semite  it  would  have  been 
included  in  it.  In  this  way,  Chesed  being  equivalent  to  Kisarra,. 
and  Kisarra  including  Ur,  the  capital  of  Babylonia,  Babylonia 
would  have  come  to  be  known  in  the  west  as  the  land  of  Chesed. 

(3.)  The  same  transference  of  geographical  meaning  has,  I 
believe,  also  taken  place  in  the  use  of  the  name  Shinar  in  the  Old 
Testament.  Shinar  is  usually  identified  with  Sumer— an  identifica- 
tion first  proposed  by  Dr.  Haigh — but  a  form  Sungir  has  never  been 
found  by  the  side  of  Sumer  in  the  inscriptions,  and  the  recent 
discoveries  of  Mr.  Pinches  in  regard  to  Khammurabi  and  his  con- 
temporaries make  it  very  difficult  to  maintain  the  identification  any 
longer.  It  is  now  clear  that  Khammurabi  must  be  the  Biblical 
Amraphel  of  Shinar,  and  since  the  kingdom  of  Khammurabi  was 
in  northern  Babylonia  while  Sumer  denotes  southern  Babylonia, 
it  would  seem  to  follow  that  Shinar  and  Sumer  cannot  be  the 
same,      The  ingenious  identifications    proposed   by  Mr.  Ball  and 

17^ 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 

Prof.  Hommel  are  equally  unsatisfactory.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Hebrew  Shin'ar  is  the  Babylonian  Sankhar,  which  is  mentioned  in 
Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  (B.M.,  V.  49).  Sankhar  is  the  Sangair  of  the 
Egyptian  hieroglyphics,  the  classical  Singara,  the  Sinjar  of  to-day. 
It  is  an  oasis  in  the  middle  of  Mesopotamia,  on  the  road  from 
Kirkesion,  the  Assyrian  Sirki,  to  Nineveh.  In  the  war  between 
Rome  and  the  Parthians  its  possession  meant  the  control  of 
Babylonia  as  well  as  of  Mesopotamia.  The  kingdom  of  Sankhar 
adjoined  Northern  Babylonia,  and  it  may  have  been  the  leading 
state  in  Suri  before  the  rise  of  Mitanni.  In  any  case  it  was  through 
Sankhar  that  the  caravans  from  the  west  made  their  way  to  northern 
Babylonia,  if  they  travelled  by  land.  The  transference  of  name 
would  have  been  like  that  of  "  Scotland  "  from  the  north-east  of 
Ireland  to  the  whole  of  the  northern  part  of  Britain. 

4.  Ophir — That  Ophir  was  the  trading  port  to  which  gold  was 
brought  and  not  itself  a  gold-producing  country,  seems  now  to  be 
pretty  well  agreed ;  and  since  Mr.  Bent's  researches  in  Central 
Africa,  it  has  been  supposed  that  Zimbabwe  and  its  neighbourhood 
were  the  original  source  of  the  gold  which  was  exported  from  Ophir. 
However,  this  may  be,  the  Old  Testament  places  Ophir  in  south- 
eastern Arabia  in  conjunction  with  Hadhramaut  and  Saba  (Gen.  x. 
26-30).  Now  Sargon  states  that  after  his  overthrow  of  Merodach- 
baladan,  the  ambassadors  of  Uperi,  king  of  Dilmun,  an  island  "  in 
the  middle  of  the  sea,"  30  kasbii  distant  from  the  Babylonian  coast, 
came  to  offer  him  homage.  Sir  H.  Rawlinson  (J.R.A.S.,  XII.  2, 
New  Sen,  1880),  was  doubtless  right  in  identifying  Dilmun  with 
Bahrein,  where  Capt.  Durand  found  a  cuneiform  inscription 
dedicated  to  the  god  Enzag,  which  we  are  told  in  W.A.I. ,  II.  54. 
66,  was  the  name  given  to  Nebo  in  Dilmun.  I  believe  that  Sargon, 
or  his  scribe,  has  confounded  the  name  of  the  king  with  the  name 
of  his  chief  city,  and  that  Uperi  is  really  Ophir.  The  king  of 
Dilmun,  would  therefore  have  been,  not  "  Uperi,"  but  the  "  king  of 
Uperi,"  and  we  should  have  to  look  for  Ophir  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Bahrein.  Dilmun  was  called  Zal-tu(g)  by  the  Sumerians,  that  is, 
"  the  oil-bearing  land."  It  may  be  asked  whether  Zaltu  is  the 
origin  of   jl'^t,   which    is   a    loan-word    in  the  Semitic  languages.* 

*  'EAoi'a,  oliva,  is  equally  a  loan-word  in  Western  Indo-European,  and  must 
be  connected  with  (the  perhaps  Sumerian)  idii,  also  written  urti,  which  is  given 
as  the  equivalent  of  saman,  "  oil  "  in  W.A.I.,  V.  28.  2.  26,  27.  Ulu  or  nru  has, 
of  course,  nothing  to  do  with  the  Semitic  root  n?y  in  the  sense  of  "  highest,"  as 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

Dr.  Oppert  is  doubtless  right  in  identifying  Dilmun  (Dilvun)  with 
Tyrus  or  Tylus,  the  classical  name  of  Bahrein ;  Bahrein  lies  in  the 
Gulf  of  Gerrha,  a  town  which  in  Roman  times  was  still  celebrated 
for  its  commercial  activity,  and  since  Gerrha  is  merely  the  Arabic 
Jera'a  "  desert,"  Ophir  may  have  been  its  original  name. 

5.  I  have  been  asked  why  I  write  the  name  of  Nin-girsu,  the 
goddess  of  Lagas  or  Tello,  Inguris'a.  The  answer  will  be  found  in 
W.A.I.,  III.  66,  where  In-gu-ri-s'a,  14^.  (0/>v.),  is  replaced  by 
Nin-girs'u,  3/  (J?ev.) ;  Ingurisa  seems  to  have  been  the  Semitic 
pronunciation  of  the  Sumerian  name.* 

6.  As  I  have  observed  above,  the  recent  discoveries  of 
Mr,  Pinches  show  that  Profs.  Schrader  and  Hommel  and  M,  Halevy 
were  right  in  identifying  Khammurabi  with  the  Amraphel  of  Genesis. 
But  no  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  form  assumed  by  the  name  in 
the  Biblical  record  has  as  yet  been  offered  ;  my  own  suggestion  is  as 
follows.  The  campaign  against  Canaan  took  place  while  Babylon 
was  still  in  subjection  to  Elam,  and  before  Khammurabi  had  made 
himself  independent  and  overthrown  the  rival  kingdom  of  Eri-Aku, 
or  Arioch.  Consequently  it  must  have  taken  place  in  the  early  part 
of  his  reign,  possibly  even  in  the  reign  of  his  father.  We  learn 
from  the  tablet  (W.A.I.,  V.  44.  I.  21,  22),  in  which  the  names  of 
the  foreign  kings  of  Babylonia  are  translated  into  Semitic  Assyrian, 
that  Khanunu  and  Ammi  were  different  modes  of  representing  in 
Babylonian  the  same  word  which  began  with  the  Arabic  and 
Canaanite  'ay In.  Consequently  the  name  of  Khammurabi  would 
have  been  pronounced  Ammurabi  or  Ammi-rabi  by  his  subjects,  as 
well  as  Khammurabi.  Now,  it  is  possible  that  Chedor-laomer's 
campaign  occurred  in  the  reign  of  Khammurabi's  father,  but  that 
the  forces  of  Babylon  were  led  not  by  the  king  but  by  his  son  the 
crown  prince.  In  this  case  a  Babylonian  writer  would  have  spoken 
of  him  as  Ainini-rabi  apil  sar  Babili,  "  Ammi-rabi,  the  son  of  the 
king  of  Babylon."  This  would  have  been  rendered  in  Hebrew 
■^i^ili^'^?^   TCLlh^i^,  the  Hebrew^  writer  overlooking  the  fact  that 

Delitzsch  supposes.  Uhi  was  borrowed  by  Assyrian,  and  iilii  sainan  is  accord- 
ingly used  in  the  sense  of  "olive-oil."  In  the  language  of  Suri  or  Mitanni, 
nhut,  which  is  doubtless  connected  with  nhi,  also  signified  "oil"  (W.A.I.,  V. 
28.  2.  28). 

*  The  Assyrian  loan-word  gi-ir-ii-e  is  given  as  the  equivalent  of  the  Akkadian 
(or  Neo-Sumerian)  nic-ir-si,  in  Sni.  1366.  4,  5,  where  it  must  have  the  signifi- 
cation of  "  bank  "or  "  dyke." 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY,  [1896. 

apil  was  not  part  of  the  royal  name,  and  the  ^  before  Q  subsequently 
dropping  out  of  the  text.  The  change  of  Larsa  into  "^D^i^ 
shows  that  the  text  has  been  actually  corrupted  in  one  word  at 
least. 

(7.)  An  attempt  has  recently  been  made  to  connect  Manda  in 
the  name  of  the  Umman  Manda,  or  barbarians  on  the  eastern 
frontier  of  Babylonia,  with  the  Assyrian  viahdii,  "  much."  This, 
however,  is  philologically  inadmissible.  The  word  always  has  the 
stereotyped  form  of  Manda,  and  the  vowel  with  which  it  terminates 
{a  instead  of  /)  shows,  as  in  the  similar  case  of  aha,  that  it  is  of 
foreign  origin.  It  probably  comes  from  one  of  the  Semitic  dialects 
spoken  to  the  east  or  north  of  Babylonia ;  and  since  the  Umman 
Manda  correspond  geographically  with  the  land  of  Nod,  or  land  of 
■"  Nomads,"  of  the  Old  Testament,  I  adhere  to  my  old  opinion  that 
in  Manda  we  have  a  derivative  from  the  same  root  as  Nod  (which  in 
Gen.  X.  22,  has  been  corrupted  into  the  better-known  Lud.).  At 
any  rate,  the  term  Umman  Manda  was  used  by  the  Babylonians  as 
the  term  "  Barbarians "  was  by  rhe  (ireeks  to  denote  tribes  and 
peoples  who  lay  outside  Babylonian  religion  and  civilisation,  and  it 
was  thus  the  equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  Goyyim,  "  Gentiles."  Now 
in  the  important  tablets  discovered  by  Mr.  Pinches  relating  to 
Khammurabi  and  his  contemporaries,  while  mention  is  made  in  one 
fragment  of  Tudkhula  or  Tid'al,  in  another  fragment  we  read  : 
All  Kudar-Laga\jnar  e\pis  liuitieti  idkamma  d.p.  Umman  Man[da, 
■erumma  ana  bahii\lat  Bel  yimammaDWia  .  .  .  .  "  ^^'ho  is  Chedor- 
laomer,  who  has  wrought  evil  ?  He  has  assembled  the  Umman 
Manda,  [he  has  invaded  the  peojple  of  Bel,  and  has  destroyed 
[their  sanctuaries."]  ("  Certain  Inscriptions  and  Records  referring 
to  Babylonia  and  Elam,"  by  Theo.  G.  Pinches,  Paper  read  before' 
the  Victoria  Institute,  January  20,  1896.)  I  am,  therefore,  inclined  to 
see  in  Tudkhula,  a  ruler  of  the  Umman  Manda,  corresponding  with 
the  Biblical  Tid'al,  king  of  Goyyim.  As  the  Kurdish  mountains, 
where  the  Umman  Manda  were  located  by  the  Babylonians, 
adjoined  Elam  on  the  north,  they  were  as  easily  able  to  pass  under 
the  power  of  an  Elamite  conqueror  as  the  states  of  Babylonia  itself. 
It  may  be  that  there  is  a  reference  to  the  invasion  of  Babylonia  by 
the  combined  forces  of  Chedor-laomer  and  the  Umman  Manda  in  a 
passage  in  the  great  Babylonian  work  on  astronomy  (W.A.L,  III. 
61.  21,  22),  translated  by  me  for  the  first  time  23  years  ago. 
Here  we  read:  "  The  Umman  Manda  comes  and  governs  the  land. 

176 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

The  mercy-seats  of  the  great  gods  are  taken  away.  Bel  goes  to 
Elam.  It  is  prophesied  that  after  30  years  the  tuktii  shall  be 
restored,  (and  that)  the  great  gods  shall  return  with  them."  It  is 
clear  from  the  context  thar  tuktu  must  mean  "  the  vanquished  "  or 
"the  exiles,"  but  the  explanation  of  the  form  is  by  no  means  easy. 
The  same  word  occurs  in  a  similar  context  on  the  stela  of  Nabonidos, 
recently  found  at  the  ^MujelUbeh,  Babylon,  by  Dr.  Scheil  {Couiptes- 
rendus,  Acadhnie  des  Inscriptions^  4'"^  ser.,  tom.  xxiii,  1895),  where 
we  have  :  "  [Merodach]  gave  him  (the  Babylonian  king)  a  helper, 
and  he  furnished  him  with  an  ally,  even  the  king  of  the  Umman 
Manda,  who  has  no  rival :  he  made  him  (the  king  of  the  U.  M.) 
obey  his  commands  :  he  caused  him  to  go  to  his  help  :  above  and 
below  like  the  deluge  he  swept  ;  he  avenged  Babylon.  The  king  of 
the  Umman  Manda,  the  fearless,  destroyed  the  iukte  {iriba  fiiktc),  he 
laid  waste  their  sanctuaries."  We  learn  from  an  inscription  of 
Assur-bani-pal,  published  by  Prof.  Strong,  that  Tuktamme,  the  king 
of  the  Umman  Manda,  whom  I  have  long  since  identified  with  the 
Lygdamis  of  Strabo  (i.  3,  16),  had  done  terrible  injury  to  Assyria, 
but  had  finally  been  overthrown  along  with  his  son  Sandaksatru. 
Tuktamme,  therefore,  whose  name  could  also  be  read  Dugdamme, 
must  be  the  king  of  the  Umman-Manda  referred  to  by  Nabonidos. 
The  resemblance  of  his  name  to  the  word  tuktu,  which  had  been 
connected  with  an  invasion  of  Babylonia  by  the  Umman  Manda 
2000  years  before,  cannot  be  an  accident.  And  considering  that 
Strabo  gives  the  name  as  Lygdamis,  I  believe  that  the  Assyrian 
scribes  altered  it  a  little,  so  as  to  assimilate  it  to  tuktu.  This  now 
seems  to  me  more  probable  than  my  former  supposition  that 
Lygdamis  is  a  Greek  clerical  error  for  Dygdamis. 

However  this  may  be,  the  passage  in  the  great  astronomical 
work,  now,  for  the  first  time,  receives  its  explanation  from  the  text 
discovered  by  Mr.  Pinches.  It  was  not  easy  to  understand  why 
an  invasion  of  Babylonia  by  the  Umman  Manda  should  have  as 
its  result  that  the  image  of  Bel  was  carried  to  Elam  from  his  temple 
at  Babylon.  But  if  the  Umman  Manda  had  been  summoned  to 
the  war  by  their  suzerain  lord,  the  king  of  Elam,  all  is  explained. 

The  Greek  writers  confounded  the  Manda  of  the  cuneiform 
text  with  the  Mada  or  Medes,  with  whom  they  had  nothing  to  do. 
Hence,  as  I  pointed  out  in  1890  {Records  of  the  Fast,  New  Series, 
HI,  p.  XV),  the  Medes  of  Berossos,  who  conquered  Babylon  at  the 
beginning  of  history,  must  be  the  Manda.    The  dynasties  of  Berossos, 

177 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 

as  they  have  been  handed  down  to  us,  are  in  such  confusion  that 
it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  this  conquest  of  Babylon  by  the 
Medes  was  connected  with  its  conquest  by  Kudur-Lagamar.  If  it 
were,  we  must  suppose  that  the  conquest  took  place  in  the  reign 
of  Sin-muballidh  the  father  of  Khammurabi,  that  tlie  king  of  the 
Manda  was  counted  as  the  leader  of  the  "  Median  "  dynasty,  and 
that  Sin-muballidh  and  his  successors  were  regarded  as  completing  it. 

In  the  age  of  the  second  Assyrian  empire,  when  the  Kimmerians 
burst  upon  Western  Asia,  the  old  name  of  Umman  Manda  was 
applied  to  them,  and  their  conquest  of  the  kingdom  of  Ellipi  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Kurdish  mountains,  where  the  city  of 
Ekbatana  was  built,  made  it  seem  peculiarly  suitable.  This 
conquest  took  place  in  the  reign  of  Esar-haddon,  as  we  learn  from 
the  oracles  addressed  to  that  king,  published  by  Prof.  Strong  {Beitrdge 
zur  Assyriologie,  II,  1893).  Here  it  was  that  Istuvegu  reigned  over 
them,  whom  the  Greek  writers  call  Astyages  king  of  the  Medes. 

By  way  of  compensating  for  the  identification  of  the  Manda 
with  the  Medes,  Herodotos,  and  the  writers  who  followed  him, 
have  divided  the  Manda  Gimirra  or  Kimmerians  of  the  inscriptions 
into  two  separate  peoples,  the  Kimmerians  and  the  Skyths.  The 
Skyths  are  made,  however,  to  follow  on  the  heels  of  the  Kimmeiians, 
and  while  the  Kimmerians  are  sent  into  Asia  Minor,  the  Skyths 
are  stated  to  have  settled  in  Ekbatanian  Media,  and  from  thence 
to  have  overrun  Western  Asia. 

The  true  facts  are  these  :  The  Gimirra  and  the  Saka,  the 
Kimmerians  and  the  Skyths  of  classical  history,  are  one  and  the 
same  people,  Saka  or  Skyth  being  the  Persian  name,  and  Gimirru, 
the  Gomer  of  the  Old  Testament,  being  the  Assyrian.  That  the 
Persian  Saka  is  represented  by  Gimirra  in  the  Naksh-i-Rustem 
inscription  of  Darius  was  recognised  long  ago  by  Norris  and 
Rawlinson,  long  before  the  name  of  the  Gimirra  had  been  found 
in  the  older  texts  of  Assyria.  The  mistake  of  Herodotos  was 
occasioned  by  the  fact  that  the  Greeks  and  Lydians  of  Asia  Minor 
called  the  invaders  Kimmerians,  whereas  in  his  Persian  sources  of 
information  they  were  termed  Saka.  He  consequently  supposed 
the  Kimmerians  and  Saka  to  be  different,  and  transformed  two 
successive  hordes  of  Gimirra  or  Saka  into  two  separate  peoples, 
Kimmerians  and  Skyths. 

His  second  error  was  due  to  a  combination  of  his  confusion 
between    "  Manda "    and    "  Mede "    with    Medo-Persian    folk-lore, 

178 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

which  changed  the  Manda  chiefs  into  Median  kings,  and  ascribed 
the  overthrow  of  the  Assyrian  empire  to  the  power  and  prowess  of 
Median  princes.  But  we  now  know  that  the  old  kingdom  of  Ellipi 
where  Ekbatana  stood  was  not  Media,  and  that  there  were  no 
Medes  in  it  till  the  days  of  the  Persian  empire.  The  Mada  or 
Medes  of  the  inscriptions  lived  further  to  the  north-east,  in  Media 
Atropatene  ;  Astyages  was  king  of  the  Manda,  not  of  the  Medes, 
and  we  learn  from  the  inscription  of  Nabonidos,  quoted  above,  that 
it  was  a  king  of  the  Umman  Manda,  not  of  the  Medes,  who  assisted 
the  king  of  Babylonia  in  taking  vengeance  on  Nineveh.  The 
natural  vanity  of  the  Medo-Persian  writers,  from  whom  Herodotos 
drew  his  materials,  has  led  them  to  appropriate  the  victories  of  the 
Manda  and  to  substitute  the  names  of  Medians  for  those  of  the 
Manda  chieftains. 

As  I  pointed  out  years  ago,  in  my  Herodotos^  the  Median 
chronology  of  Herodotos  is  impossible.  Not  only  does  it  give  the 
artificial  number  of  150  years,  but  it  makes  the  Medians  revolt 
from  Assyria  and  bring  about  the  overthrow  of  the  Assyrian  empire 
in  the  reign  of  Sennacherib,  in  the  heyday  of  Assyrian  power.  The 
Median  revolt  is  merely  a  distorted  tradition  of  the  Kimmerian 
war  of  Esar-haddon,  130  years  before  the  conquest  of  Astyages  by 
Cyrus.  The  Deiokes  of  Herodotos  will  thus  correspond  with  the 
Teuspa  or  Teispes  of  the  Assyrian  monuments,  the  "  Manda  "  chief 
of  the  Gimirra,  whom  Esar-haddon  defeated  and  drove  westward 
into  Asia  Minor.  Teuspa  was  in  alliance  with  the  Manna  or  Minni, 
to  the  east  of  Ararat,  with  the  Mada  or  Medes,  with  Saparda  or 
Sepharad,  with  Asguza  or  Ashkenaz,  and  above  all  with  Kastarit 
king  of  Kar-Kassi,  the  "Wall"  or  "Fortress  of  the  Kassi."  We 
shall  have  to  look  for  the  latter  place  among  the  Kossaeans  of  the 
western  mountains  of  Elam,  where  Sennacherib  found  and  subju- 
gated the  Kassi. 

Deiokes  is  the  Assyrian  Daiukku  or  Daukku,  a  chief  of  the 
Manna  who  was  made  prisoner  by  Sargon,  and  transported  to 
Hamath  in  B.C.  715.  A  year  or  two  later  Sargon  associates  Bit- 
Daukku,  "The  House  of  Deiokes,"  with  Ellipi  the  future  seat  of 
the  Manda.  It  is  noticeable  that  in  the  list  of  Median  kings  given 
by  Ktesias  the  name  of  Deiokes  appears  as  Mandaukes,  perhaps 
for  Manda-Daukku.* 

*  In  Diodoros  {Epit.,  30-32)  the  name  appears  as  Madaukes  where  Mada 
takes  the  place  of  Manda. 

179  O 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

Phraortes,  whom  Herodotos  places  after  Deiokes,  really  is  a 
Median  name,  the  Persian  Fravartish.  As  he  is  stated  to  have 
besieged  Nineveh,  and  nearly  destroyed  the  Assyrian  power,  but 
at  last,  after  a  reign  of  22  years,  to  have  been  defeated  and  slain  in 
battle,  he  must  correspond  with  the  historical  Tuktamme  (Lygdamis), 
the  Manda  king,  who  had  a  similar  history  according  to  Assur- 
bani-pal.  In  this  case,  Sanda-ksatru  the  son  of  Tuktamme  will 
correspond  with  the  Kyaxares  of  the  Greek  writer.  When  we 
remember  that  Arta-ksatru  is  the  Assyrian  mode  of  writing  the 
name  which  was  made  Artaxerxes  by  the  Greeks,  there  is  perhaps 
something  to  be  said  for  the  assimilation  of  (Sanda)-ksatru  to 
(Kya)xares.  So  far,  however,  as  the  names  are  concerned,  Kyaxares 
is  Kastarit,  who,  as  we  have  just  seen,  was  king  of  Kar-Kassi  in  the 
time  of  Esar-haddon. 

Was  Sanda-ksatru,  rather  than  his  father  Tuktamme,  "  the  king 
of  the  Umman  Manda"  who  assisted  Nabopolassar  in  destroying 
Nineveh  ?  He  may  have  been,  but  there  is  another  possible 
candidate  for  the  place.  Some  years  ago  I  published  in  the 
Proceedings  of  this  Society  a  curious  inscription  in  the  cuneiform 
characters  of  the  Amardian  (or  Neo-Susian)  syllabary,  engraved  on 
a  gryphon's  head  of  red  stone  which  had  once  formed  the  head  of 
a  sceptre.  The  object  was  found  in  Kappadokia,  and  the  inscription 
was  that  of  "  Ku-ar-u-van,  the  Mandhuvian  {Man-dhu-vas)  king."  If 
Mandlmvas  is  the  right  reading,  the  name  may  be  compared  with 
Manda  ;  in  the  royal  name,  however,  the  first  character  in  it  must 
certainly  be  read  va7i,  and  not  ma7i,  so  that  I  should  now  prefer 
the  transcription  Vand/mvas.  In  this  case  I  should  connect  the 
name  with  that  of  the  Veneti  (Horn.,  //.,  I.  851)  in  reference  to 
whom  Mceander  says  that  the  white  Syrians  {XivKoaviyoi),  Kappa- 
dokians  and  'Eitto/  were  all  the  same  people. 

If,  however,  Kuar-uvan  is  a  Manda  and  not  a  Hittite  king,  we 
should  have  an  explanation  of  his  use  of  the  Amardian  system  of 
writing.  According  to  Herodotos  (I,  74)  Kyaxares  carried  on  war 
against  Alyattes  of  Lydia,  and  peace  was  made  between  them  only 
after  a  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  Halys,  westward  of  Kappadokia. 
It  would,  therefore,  be  intelligible  that  an  object  made  in  Susiana, 
or  in  its  immediate  neighbourhood,  should  have  been  discovered 
in  Kajipadokia. 

The  last  of  the  Manda  kings  who  ruled  at  Ekbatana  was 
Istuvegu   or  Astyages,  concjuered  by  Cyrus  in  b.c.  549.     That  he 

iSo 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896 

was  not  a  Mede  might  have  been  gathered  from  the  great  inscription 
of  Darius  at  Behistun.  Here  we  read  that  Fravartish,  the  pretender 
to  the  crown  of  Media,  did  not  call  himself  Istuvegu  or  the  son  of 
Istuvegu,  but  (adopting  the  Babylonian  forms  of  the  names) 
Khasatriti  the  son  of  Uvaku-istar.  Khasatriti  is  almost  identical 
with  Kastarit,  which  may  explain  how  in  the  person  of  Kyaxares 
Kastarit  has  become  a  Median  king. 

The  transformation  of  Kimmerians  or  Skyths  into  Medes  was 
rendered  easier  by  the  fact  that  both  peoples  apparently  belonged 
to  the  same  race  and  spoke  the  language.  The  names  of  the 
Kimmerian  or  Manda  chieftains — with  the  exception  perhaps  of 
Astyages,  Istuvegu — are  not  only  Indo-European,  but  Iranian. 
Teuspa  or  Teispes,  Tuktamme  and  Sanda-ksatru  are  all  Iranian 
names.  It  may  be  that  the  Medes  and  Persians  formed  the  advance- 
guard  of  a  migration  from  the  West  which  ended  with  the  Kim- 
merians or  Skyths. 

Finally,  it  must  be  remembered  that,  although  the  Umman 
Manda  of  the  7th  and  6th  centuries  B.C.  were  Kimmerians,  it  does 
not  follow  that  the  Umman  Manda  of  the  age  of  Khammurabi 
were  Kimmerians  also,  or  even  of  Indo-European  race.  In  all 
probability  they  were  not.  But  they  were  the  barbarous  or  nomad 
population  of  the  mountainous  region  on  the  eastern  side  of 
Babylonia,  where  the  Kimmerian  nomads  afterwards  came  to  plant 
themselves. 

(8)  While  Herodotos  makes  the  Mannian  chief  Deiokes  the 
leader  of  the  Median  revolt  against  Assyria,  Ktesias  calls  him 
Arbakes,  which  as  we  learn  from  the  Assyrian  monuments  was 
really  a  Median  name.  All  the  nine  Median  kings  of  Ktesias,  in 
fact,  bear  good  Iranian  names,  with  the  exception  of  Man-daukes, 
who  takes  the  place  of  Deiokes,  and  his  successor  Sosarmos,  who 
is  the  Assyrian  Samas-Rimmon.  The  last  of  them,  Aspadas,  is 
identified  with  Istuvegu,  but  as  we  now  know  that  Istuvegu  was 
not  a  king  of  the  Medes  at  all,  we  may  interpret  the  statement  to 
mean  that  Istuvegu  was  unknown  to  Ktesias's  authority  which  gave 
a  list,  not  of  Manda  princes,  but  of  those  who  were  believed  to  have 
been  really  Median  kings.  There  may  be  something  in  Lenormant's 
suggestion  that  the  Artaios  and  Astibaras  of  the  list  are  the  two 
kings  of  Ellipi,  Rita  and  Aspabara,  who  were  the  contemporaries 
of  Sargon  and  Sennacherib. 

According  to  Megasthenes  the  fall  of  Nineveh  at  the  hands  of 

181  o  2 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

Arbakes  and  Belesys  took  place  304  years  before  the  accession  of 
Darius  I.  This  brings  us  to  B.C.  825,  the  very  year  in  which, 
according  to  the  Assyrian  Canon,  Assur-dain-pal  revolted  against 
his  father  Shalmaneser  II,  who  died  shortly  afterwards.  For  five 
years  Assur-dain  pal  ruled  in  Nineveh,  Assur  the  old  capital  of  the 
country,  Arbela,  the  sacred  city  of  Istar,  and  in  fact  in  the  whole 
of  Assyria  as  well  as  in  Mesopotamia,  and  it  was  not  until  B.C.  823 
that  his  brother  Samas-Rimmon  first  succeeded  in  overthrowing  him, 
in  capturing  Nineveh,  and  in  establishing  himself  as  king.  As  I 
have  long  since  pointed  out,  Assur-dain-pal  is  the  Sardanapallos  of 
the  Greeks,  and  in  his  defeat  and  death,  and  the  accompanying 
capture  of  Nineveh  we  must  see  the  historical  basis  of  the  Perso- 
Greek  legend  of  Sardanapallos.  The  Babylonian  contemporary 
of  Samas-Rimmon  was  Merodach-bala'su-iqbi,  w-hose  name,  as  we 
learn  from  the  Babylonian  Chronicle,  where  Nebo-nadin-zira  becomes 
Nadin,  could  be  officially  abbreviated  into  Balasu.  Balasu  is  the 
Greek  Belesys,  the  name  of  the  Babylonian  ally  of  Arbakes. 

Samas  {i.e.  Sawas)  is  written  Saa-?  by  Hesykhios,  and  con- 
sequently the  Sosarmos  of  Ktesias  must  be  the  Assyrian  Samas- 
Rimmon.  Samas-Rimmon  was,  so  far  as  we  know,  the  first  Assyrian 
king  who  made  a  campaign  on  a  large  scale  against  the  Medes 
whom  he  calls  Mata — the  form  found  in  Alaticnc — though  his 
successor  Rimmon-nirari  III  gives  them  what  is  henceforth  their 
regular  title,  Mada.  A  reminiscence  of  his  Median  conquests  is 
preserved  in  the  fact  that  Ktesias  makes  Sosarmos  the  immediate 
successor  of  Man-daukes,  who  is  placed  after  Arbakes.  It  has  long 
ago  been  observed,  however,  that  if  we  look  at  the  number  of 
regnal  years  attached  to  the  names  of  the  Median  kings  of  Ktesias, 
we  shall  find  that  they  constitute  a  duplicate  list,  the  second  division 
of  which  is  headed  by  Sosarmos,  who  is  thus  placed  in  parallelism 
with  Arbakes.     The  list  is  as  follows  : 


Years. 

Years. 

(irt)  Arbakes    ...     28  -f  2  years          {\b)  Sosarmos    . 

..      30 

of  war  against  Assyria. 

{id)  Man-daukes     50                             {zb)  Ar-tykas      ., 

..     SO 

(3a)  Arbiancs  ...     22                             (31^)  Artynes*     . 

oo 

(4a)  Artaios      ...     40                             {i\b)  Astibaras    ., 

..    40 

(5)  Aspadas,t  or  .'\styigas      ...         — - 

*  Artynes  seems  to  be  formed  out  of  Arliiancs  by  assimilation  to  Artykas 
though  Arbia-nes  also  reminds  us  of  Arba-kes. 

t  If  Artaios   and  Astibaras   are   the    Rita   and   Aspabara   of   the   Assyrian 

182 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

As  might  be  expected  Sosarmos  appears  again  in  Ktesias's  list 
of  Assyrian  kings.  In  this  Hst  also  the  same  system  of  duplication 
is  to  be  found,  the  same  name  being  repeated  under  two  different 
forms  which  are  separated  from  one  another  by  one  or  more  names. 
Thus  we  have  the  couplets  Ninos  and  Ninyas  (from  the  Assyrian 
Ninua),  Mamythos  and  Mamylos,  Sphairos  and  Sparthaios  or 
Sparetos,  Lamprides  and  Lampraes,  Teutamos  or  Tautanes  and 
Teutaios ;  and  similarly  we  have  also  Sosares  by  the  side  of 
Sosarmos.  But  this  is  not  all.  The  list  is  further  eked  out  by 
transforming  Grecised  Persian  translations  of  the  Assyrian  names 
into  separate  kings,  and  accordingly  we  find  Sosarmos  followed  by 
Mithraios  "he  who  has  to  do  with  the  Sun-god"  (Mithra,  the 
equivalent  of  Sam.as),  while  in  an  earlier  part  of  the  list  Armamithres 
is  simply  Samas-Rimmon  transposed,  with  the  Persian  Mithra 
substituted  for  Samas. 

The  chief  difficulty  of  the  list  is  the  corrupt  form  in  which  it 
has  come  down  to  us.  It  has  been  preserved  in  the  Latin  and 
Armenian  versions  of  the  C/ironicle  oi  Eusebius  (pp.  11,  15,  etc.), 
in  the  Syncellus,  in  Moses  of  Khorene  {Hist.  Ami.,  I,  18)  who 
derived  it  from  Eusebius,  and  in  Masudi ;  and  without  reckoning 
the  ExcerJ)ta  Barbara,  the  names  of  individual  kings  are  quoted 
by  various  other  writers.  But  the  different  copies  of  it  differ 
considerably,  not  only  in  the  regnal  years  assigned  to  the  kings, 
but  also  in  their  names,  and  in  two  cases  it  can  be  shown  that 
they  must  all  be  in  error.  The  last  king  is  said  to  be,  not 
Sardanapallos,  but  Thonos  Konkholeros  (Henqlus  in  Masudi) ;  yet 
we  know  that  the  name  given  by  Ktesias  was  Sardanapallos,  and 
that  the  Greek  legend  of  Sardanapallos  was  derived  from  him. 
Thonos  Konkholeros  must,  therefore,  be  some  misunderstood  or 
corrupted  title,  unless  it  is  intended  to  be  a  reference  to 
Sin-(sar-)iskun  and  his  contemporary  Kandalanu,  who  belonged  to 
what  was  historically  the  last  period  of  Assyrian  history. 

The  second  instance  in  which  we  can  show  that  all  the  copies 
must  be  wrong  is  still  clearer.  We  learn  from  Agathias  (II.  25), 
quoting  Bion  and  Alexander  Polyhistor,  that  the  descendants  of 
Semiramis  reigned  over  Assyria  down  to  Beleous  the  son  of 
Derketades,  when  the  royal  gardener  Beletaras  seized  the  throne 
and   founded   a   new   dynasty.     Beleous  appears   as    Bellothus  in 

inscriptions,  Aspadas  may  have  been  their  successor,  the  last  king  of  Ellipi,  who 
was  conquered  by  the  Kimmerians. 

183 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  lUBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

Eusebius,  Belokhos  in  the  Syncellus,  Vestaskalus  in  Moses  Khor., 
Tbaulius  in  Masudi,  while  Beletaras  is  Bellepares  in  Eusebius, 
Balatores  in  the  Syncellus  and  Atirus  in  Masudi.  The  immediate 
predecessor  of  Belokhos  is  Amyntes,  who  is  preceded  by  Ascades  or 
Astakadis  in  Euseb.,  Askatades  in  the  Sync,  and  Moses  Khor.,  and 
Ustalim  in  Masudi.  Amyntes  is  merely  a  Greek  translation  of  an 
Assyrian  nazir  or  nirari  (as  in  Assur-nazir-pal  and  Rimmon-nirari), 
and  we  must  restore  the  name  of  his  predecessor  as  Derketades, 
Derketades  is  simply  "  the  descendant  of  Derketo  "  or  Semiramis, 
in  allusion  to  the  worship  paid  by  the  Assyrian  kings  to  Istar  of 
Nineveh  and  Istar  of  Arbela,  and  the  first  syllable  in  the  name 
Askatades,  &c.,  must  be  corrected  into  Der. 

Nevertheless  in  spite  of  the  corrupted  character  of  the  hst,  it  is 
possible  to  explain  several  of  the  names  in  it.  Years  ago  in  my 
Memoir  on  the  Vannic  inscriptions  (J.R.A.S.,  XIV.  3;  1883),  I 
showed  that  Arios  and  Aralios  are  the  Ara  and  Aralez  of  Armenian 
mythology — Ara  reappearing  in  Plato's  "  Er  "  the  Armenian, —  the 
Aria  and  Arali  of  the  Sumerians.  Xerxes  (Khshayarsha)  is  given 
as  the  Persian  equivalent  of  Balaios,  a  Greek  derivative  from  the 
Babylonian  bilu  "  lord  "  (see  Hdt.,  VI.  98,  where  Xerxes  is  said  to 
mean  upeio^).  Balaios  reappears  as  the  successor  of  Belokhos 
between  whom  and  Xerxes-Balaios  Armamithres  is  made  to  inter- 
vene. As  we  have  seen  above,  Belokhos  occurs  again  later  on  in 
the  list,  as  the  predecessor  of  Balatores  who  seems  to  be  the  Belimos 
of  Kephalion  {Fr.  13).  We  have  two  more  doublets  in  Mamitos  and 
Mamylos  (probably  from  the  Assyrian  goddess  Mamit,  or  Destiny), 
and  Sphairos  (Euseb.  Iphereus,  Mos.  Khor.  Spharos,  Masudi  Safrus), 
and  Sparetos  (Sync.  Sparthaios).  Sibir  was  a  king  of  Babylonia  in 
the  loth  century  B.C.  Next  we  have  the  three  doublets  Lamprides 
and  Lampares  (Sync.  Lampraes),  Sosares  and  Sosarmos,  followed  by 
Mithraios,  Tautanes  and  Tautaios.  Tautaios  seems  to  be  a  derivative 
from  the  Assyrian  Tavti  "  the  sea "  or  Persian  Gulf,  of  which  the 
Babylonian  equivalent  would  be  Tavtanu.  Tautaios  would  therefore 
be  the  king  or  dynasty  "from  the  Sea,"  and  correspond  with  the 
Vth  Babylonian  dynasty  which  the  Dynastic  Tablet  calls  "  the  dynasty 
of  the  Sea."  The  Syncellus  identifies  Tautanes  with  the  Teutamos 
of  Greek  legend  who  sent  troops  to  Troy.  Derkylos,  the  29th  king 
according  to  Eusebius,  bears  the  same  relation  to  Derketo  that 
Mamylos  does  to  Mamitos,  and  so  takes  us  back  to  Derketades ; 
Ophrataios,  the  33rd  king,  is  a  derivative  from  the  Persian  Ufratu, 

184 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

"  the  Euphrates,"  Hke  Tautaios  from  Tavti,  and  his  predecessor, 
Pertiades,  is  merely  a  doublet,  from  Purattu,  the  Babylonian  form  of 
the  river's  name.  That  the  patronymics  Pertiades  and  Lamprides 
should  be  made  to  precede  Ophrataios  and  Lampares,  is  explained 
by  the  analogy  of  Derketades  when  the  latter  had  been  trans- 
formed from  an  epithet  of  Belokhos — "  the  descendant  of 
Derketo  " — into  the  name  of  his  father.  Ophratanes,  the  34th  king 
according  to  Eusebius,  will  bear  the  same  relation  to  Ophrataios  that 
Tautanes  does  to  Tautaios,  if  the  reading  is  right,  but  as  the 
Syncellus  gives  Ephekheres  this  is  doubtful.  However,  Masudi  has 
Frutalus,  though  he  gives  Menturus  for  Ophrataios.  The  35th  king- 
is  made  Akrazapes  by  Eusebius,  Akraganes  by  the  Sync,  Akrazanes 
by  Moses  Khor.     Perhaps  Sargon  is  the  original  of  it. 

Of  the  other  kings  in  the  list  the  name  of  the  loth  it  is  impossible 
to  restore.  Eusebius  makes  it  Altadas,  the  Syncellus  Sethos,  Moses 
of  Khorene  Azatagus,  and  Masudi  Alhalus.  Since  a  sibilant  before 
a  dental  in  Assyrian  became  /,  Ktesias  may  have  given  the  two  forms 
Astadas  and  Altadas.  If  so,  Astadas  may  have  been  the  cause  of 
the  corruption  of  Derketades  into  Askatades.  It  would  also 
explain  why,  in  the  name  of  the  next  king  but  one,  the  Syncellus  has 
Askhalios,  while  Eusebius  has  Mancalseus  and  Moses  Khor. 
Maskhaleos,  (Masudi,  Kelus). 

Thineus  (Thinaios)  the  28th  king  in  Euseb.  is  omitted  by  the 
Sync,  but  would  be  a  derivative,  like  Balaios,  from  Sin,  the  Moon 
God.  S.  Augustine  {Civ.  Dei,  xviii.  11)  calls  him  Oneus,  and 
makes  him  the  29th  king.  The  successor  of  Derkylos  is  called 
Eupoles  by  Euseb.,  Eupakmes  by  the  Sync,  Eupalmes  by  Moses 
Khor.,  and  Afrus  by  Masudi.  It  is,  therefore,  impossible  to  restore 
the  original  name,  though  it  seems  to  have  contained  the  Assyrian 
pal,  "son." 

There  still  remain  three  names,  Amyntes,  Panyas,  and  Laosthenes. 
Each  of  these  kings  is  made  to  reign  45  years,  and  the  names  of  two 
of  them,  if  not  of  all  three,  are  Greek,  They  are,  in  fact,  Greek 
translations  of  either  Assyrian  or  Persian  names.  Amyntes,  as  I 
have  already  said,  is  the  Assyrian  jiazir  and  nirari ;  Laosthenes 
corresponds  with  danan,  as  in  Assur-danan,  "  Assur  is  strong  "  (or, 
perhaps,  with  Assur-bil-nisi-su,  ''  Assur  is  lord  of  his  people") ;  and 
Panyas  (if  that  is  the  right  form)  is  probably  formed  from  Panu,  like 
Ninyas  from  Ninua.  Panu  in  Assyrian  means  "  face,"  but  the 
correct  reading  may  be  Uavia-i,  "  belonging  to  the  god  Pan,"  as  is 

^85 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGV.  [1896. 

indicated  by  the  Paunias  of  Euseb.,  and  the  Paneas  of  Moses  Khor.^ 
since  the  Excerpta  Barbara  give  "  Paunias,  that  is  to  say  Zeus." 

The  change  of  dynasty  recorded  by  Agathias,  when  the 
"  gardener  "  Beletares  usurped  the  throne,  seems  to  be  that  which, 
as  we  may  gather  from  our  cuneiform  documents,  transferred  the 
royal  power  from  Bel-kudurri-uzur  to  Ninip-pileser,  about  B.C.  1200. 
Ninip-pileser  was  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  to  which  Tiglath- 
pileser  I  belonged,  and  the  legend  that  he  had  been  a  gardener  was 
probably  derived  from  the  old  tradition  which  made  Sargon  of 
Akkad  a  gardener  before  he  ascended  the  throne.  If  Beletaras — 
Balatores  in  the  Syncellus — is  (Nmip-)pileser,  with  the  Aramaic 
change  of  i-  to  /  which  meets  us  in  Aturia  for  Assyria,  Belokhos  will 
be  Bel-kudur-(uzur),  We  know  from  the  Babylonian  Chronicle 
and  other  documents  that  royal  names  were  often  used  in  an 
abbreviated  form. 

My  conclusion,  therefore,  is  that  the  list  of  Assyrian  kings  given 
by  Ktesias  is  really  derived  from  the  names  of  a  limited  numljer  of 
Assyro-Babylonian  gods  and  sovereigns  which  have  been  multiplied 
in  various  ways,  the  most  usual  of  which  is  to  duplicate  a  name 
under  two  different  forms.  We  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  state- 
ment of  Ktesias  that  he  had  derived  his  information  from  the  "  royal 
records  "  of  Persia,  that  is  to  say,  the  documents  in  the  library  of 
the  royal  palace  (Diod.,  II.  22.  5),  and  those  records,  in  spite  of 
their  mythical  character,  were  based  upon  historical  materials,  like 
the  historical  novels  of  Sir  Walter  Scott.  We  cannot  extract  history 
out  of  them,  but  when  the  history  is  once  known  we  can  determine 
to  what  extent  it  has  been  used. 

As  to  the  four  kings,  Arabelos,  Khalaos,  Anebos,  and  Babios, 
interpolated  by  the  Syncellus  in  the  place  of  Thinaios,  they  have 
probably  come  from  the  beginning  of  the  list,  where,  indeed,  they 
are  placed  by  Moses  of  Khorene.  They  represent  the  two  Assyrian 
cities  Arbela  and  Calah,  and  the  two  Babylonian  cities  E-Nabi, 
"  the  temple  of  Nebo,"  or  Borsippa,  and  Babylon,  and  correspond 
in  a  way  with  the  four  Assyrian  cities  of  Gen.  x.     Their  original 

order  was  probably     (i«)  Babylon)         (i^)  Calah 
^  ^     {2a)  E-Nabi  (2/^)  Arbela. 

Nineveh,  it  must  be  remembered,  had  already  been  mentioned 
under  the  names  of  Nines  and  Ninyas. 


186 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


ON   A   HIEROGLYPHIC   SIGN. 
By  W.  Max  Muller. 

After  Professor  Piehl's  detailed  criticism  {Proceedings,  93,  481  fF.) 
of  my  article  on  the  sign  g^^  {Rec.  trav.,  15,  32  ff.),  it  does  not 
seem  difficult  to  sum  up  all  results  of  the  many  studies  published 
thus  far  on  that  hieroglyphic  sign.  In  order  to  explain  some  mis- 
understandings, I  confine  myself  strictly  to  this  one  question  and, 
for  the  sake  of  avoiding  all  other  disputations,  I  use  the  same 
transcription  as  Professor  Piehl.* 

I.   T/ie  value  \^\   "  au  "  of  f\. 

No  attempt  has  been  made,  so  far,  to  refute  the  numerous 
examples  of  the  value  au,  collected  in  my  article.     It  is  easy  to 

increase  them.  E.g.,  Benihasan,  38,  5  1^^  h^  ss-au,  "oryx," 
cyoJCyoT,  occurs  in  almost  the  same  place  and  in  the  same  time 
{Ros.,  19,  4;  Champ.,  383,  428)  as  rr^  I  j,  '^^  V^  ss-au  {sos\'w). 
The  equation  ^*-^^  =  ^^.   ^?\  results.    The  Coptic  pronunciation 

CtJOJajOT  which  fits  only  with  this  orthography  is,  at  least,  as  old  as 
850  B.C.;  cf,  Zeitschrift  f.  Assyriologie,  93,  210.  The  tomb  of 
Elephantine  discovered  by  Mr.  Schiaparelli  has  furnished  the  some- 
what uncommon  orthography  ()  J  C^)  f^  (flflfi)^!  ^ 
abau  7it_r,  equivalent  {Rec.  trav.,  14,  187,  A.Z.,  92,  81)  in  the 
py.,..s  .0  y  flflfl  (^)^,  p..  ,0.  M.  „3.  \  l\,  m^, 
p.,  II,  1 180,  "the  sacred  dances."  The  equation  ^^  /f^  V  ^^ 
"^^^  V\  au,  again  !    The  word  "  dance  "  (1    J  "(^^  %^  aba  is  well 

known;  see  Rec.  trav.,  9,  161.  Above,  we  have  the  plural  abpjj, 
"dances." 

*  I  beg  the  reader  to  obser^'e  that  I  do  so  only  for  this  reason. 
187 


} 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII.LOLOGY.  [1896. 

This  is  the  value  as  a  syllabic  sign.  Of  course,  the  ideographic 
value  must  be  the  same.  In  such  cases,  it  is  always  underlying  the 
syllabic  one.  As  ideograph  J^  means,  "  to  extend,  to  stretch  out " 
{or  the  passive).  I  have  already  shown  the  noun,  "  that  which  is 
stretched  forth   (presented)  by  the   arms,"   i.e.,    "  offering,"   to   be 

written  once  ^f^  ^\  v  w  ^  '"'f-^?/  [l'^<^'-'^{^c')i],  L.D.,  II,  28. 
See  furthermore  in  the- pyramids  (P.,  336,  similarly  339)  ^^.    r^ 

"he  presents*  him  (to  the  gods").      Comparing  this 
with  the  orthography  mentioned  above,  we  obtain  /i^^  ^\    V^  = 

^^  (T^  V^  '^'''  I'^'^i^  ^^  th^  regular  value  for  the  Ancient,  Middle, 
and  New  Empire.  It  has  been  recognized  already  by  Mr.  F.  L. 
Griffith. 

2.   T/ie  alleged  old  value  "  FU." 

I  must  state  that,  so  far,  no  proofs  have  been  found  for  an 
earlier  pronunciation  fu.  Formerly,  the  /  of  the  two  words 
hfau,  "  snake,"  and  afaz4,  "  honour,  respect,"  t  was  mistaken  for  a 
part  of  J^ .  The  error  is  shown  by  the  absence  of  /  in  all  other 
words,  and  by  the  _^  a,  overlooked  entirely  by  the  old  reading  fu. 
This  error  being  recognized,  we  have  no  more  reason  for  reading  an 
f  in  any  word  where  it  is  not  written.     If  we  try  to  read  words  like 

y  ^V  Jvi  wrt?^/,  "sticks"  {Anasf.,  4,   16,  6),  with  an/ 

where  must  it  stand  ?  In  the  two  words  li/au  and  a/au,  responsible 
for  the'  misreading,  the  /  stands  before  a.  How  can  it  stand 
after  it  in  the  alleged  reading  ma{/)//l  ?  If  somebody  wishes  to 
make  /  a  part  of  ^<^^,  he  ought  to  transliterate  f/ia(/a)ul,  and  to 
treat    y^   as  fau.     But  we  have  no  room  for  this  in  words  like 

*  The  h  is  the  ending  of  the  first  person  singular,  used  in  the  original  text 

and  left  here  by  mistake ;  see  Sethe's  thesis  on  his  dissertation,  De  Aleph 
Prosihetko.     The  varying  position,  P.,  339,  betrays  this.     Nevertheless,  the  root 

seems  to  belong  to  the  class  tertia;  Jodh  '^  ^  0  ;  compare,  e.g.,  ^^^  IjO  ,J ^, 

R.I.H.,  256,  Abbott,  3,  5,  Mar.,  Karn.,  II,  5. 

+  The  word  kfau,  "  power,"  does  not  count.  It  is  a  late  disfiguration  of  the 
old  kbat  or  hfat,  and  dales  from  that  time  in  which  ^O^  was  already  used  for 
fau.      Somewhat  better  forms  are  still  found  (/v'tY.  trav.,  15,  15S,  A.Z.,  87,  122). 

188 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

mauf,  written  ^  ^.  V"^!'  (^^^'^•'  ^49 '^j  ^t<^-)'  ^^'^  never  show- 
ing an  /.  No  instance  of  the  suppression  or  insertion  *  of  /  has 
been  found  in  Egyptian  so  far. 

If  the  word  ^  i-^  ««?/,  "wind"  (Z.Z>.,  Ill,  114/),  would  be 
a  younger  or  dialectic  form  of  the  old  word  -^y^  ///j  this  would 

not  change  anything.  If  the  /  has  been  changed  (?)  here  to  7((7ci), 
of  course,  it  is  no  longer  an  /.  No  one  can  prove  the  perfect 
identity  of  letters  by  their  being  interchanged  mutatis  muta7idis.  It 
will  be  a  very  interesting  philological  question,  why  and  how  the 
seeming  change  (?)  of/ into  w  has  taken  place,  but  this  question  has 
nothing  to  do  with  our  present  study.  Besides,  there  are  some 
difficulties  attached  to  that  word  nau.  f 

In  my  article  on  the  sign  au,  I  had  not  mentioned  the  manifest 
blunder  of  an  Egyptian  scribe  (Champ.,  Mon.,  68).     The  hierograui- 

mateus  copied  the  old  poetic  phrase,  "  lord  of  honour  (    el  ,-^-^-1 

fau\  great  of  respect."     Being  unfamiliar  with  the  old  group  fau, 

"honour,"  and   thinking  of  the  more   frequent   phrase   j%„ 

au-ab,  "  wide  {i.e.,  joyful)  of  heart,"  because  a  phrase  referring  to  the 
"  gladness  "  {rsii)  of  Egypt  was  not  far  off,  he  confounded  both  and 

put   in  a  senseless  "^  ("heart"):      ML    i^  .     What  shall  this 

plain  blunder  prove  ?  Certainly  not  that  the  two  words  illtreated  by 
the  thoughtless  scribe  are  identical. — I  repeat :  there  is  no  proof  for 
a  value  fu  in  the  first  3000  years  of  Egyptian  writing. 

*  The  insertion  of  the  semi-vowels  -dj  and  y  («),  frequent  in  many  languages, 
is  a  well  known  fact.  Its  conditions  are  likewise  known  :  it  takes  the  place  of  a 
hiatus  and  must  be  supported  by  the  corresponding  vowels.  Whether  these 
conditions  apply  here,  whether  we  have  any  right  to  confound  the  consonant  f 
with  these  semi-vowels,  whether  such  insertions  occur  in  Egyptian  and 
whether  /  appears  as  helping  consonant  in  any  living  language  or  not,  all  these 
questions  we  do  not  need  to  discuss  here.  We  could  try  it,  if/ would  stand 
between  the  (alleged)  vowels  a  and  n.  But  the  only  cases  are  hfaii,  afau 
{kfan),  quite  a  different  position  ! 

t  The  identity  of  nf  and  nan  not  being  recognized  by  the  later  Egyptians,  I 
am  afraid  the  latter  one  is  a  derivation  of  a  root  nau,  or  nu  (nw),  the  exact 
meaning  of  which  still  remains  to  be  determined.  So  far,  no  case  of  an /dissolved 
into  V,  w  is  known.  Fiiy,  "  this,"  and  ///,  "that,"  are  by  no  means  developed 
from  one  another,  although  they  may  have  the  common  demonstrative  element  pa. 

180 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

3.    The  comnw7i  Ptolemaic  use  of  ^-Gi    "  au." 

Professor  Piehl  (p.  488)  has  drawn  attention  to  the  orthography 

^^^^  2Z!I  d(77i,  a  very  bad  speUing  *  for  the  old  (C^  ^^   ^^  -^-^ 

lau,  later  A??/,  in  old  Greek  glosses  -rev,  Coptic  THT,  OHOT, 
"wind"  {A.Z.,  86,  87).  Nowhere  an  //  This  is  one  more  instance 
that  the  correct  reading  ^  _p  a:c  still  was  known  and  used  in  latest 
times.     Other  instances  see  in  my  article. 

4.   The  late  prommciatmi  "  fau,"  or  "  FU." 

Here  I  have  to  retract  my  previous  doubts.     Rec.  trav.,  15,  35, 
I  had   still   asked    if  the   variant    v\    q\  a-{f)ii,  instead  of  the 


correct    ^^.      JSL    'M  (^fun,  discovered  by  Professor  Piehl,  was  not 

a  simple  mistake  of  the  old  or  modern  copyist  (Duemichen),  / 
being  omitted?  Professor  Piehl  has  shown  that  this  suspicion  is 
to  be  abandoned.     Indeed,  the  Egyptians  of  latest  times  employed 

^^'^  sometimes  {ox  fan  IK  ^.  Two  instances  {Proceedings,  93, 
88) — practically  one,  as  they  are  copied  from  one  another — show 
that  a  scribe  considered  the  above  orthography,  ^^^  ^^^  -'^"' 
not    strange     enough,     and    "improved"   it    to     ^)   (^  -^y  ^  dfu, 

rendering  r^  by  fa.     If  he  wished  this  novel  spelling  to  be 

pronounced  tefe  (?)  instead  of  the  regular  te2v{e),  is  a  question 
which    I  do   not   dare   to  answer.     Most   likely,  the   late   spelling 

*  Till  now,  all  Egyptologists  had  agreed  that  grammar  and  spelling  of  the 
Ptolemaic  and  Roman  inscriptions  were,  as  a  rule,  very  bad.  To  my  surprise, 
Professor  Piehl  censures  me  for  this  common  opinion,  and  protests  against  my 
declaration  (AVr.  trav.,  15,  34)  that  hicrogrammates  of  Roman  time  did  not  care 
much  about  the  distinction  of  such  letters  as  a,  a  (X),  and  a  {V).  But  his  protest 
seems  to  depend  on  a  misunderstanding  for,  in  his  refutation  of  my  maniire 
nonchalante,  he  quotes  the  above  word,  a  blending  of  ^P)  \\  y^  ^"'' 
Y\     Y^,  proving  confusion  of  d  and  /,  of   ^v    and  _^ Q.     No  better 


example  of  the  ignorance  of  later  scribes  and  of  the  necessity  of  careful  distinction 
between  the  "  Egyptian  "  and  the  Ptolemaic-Roman  style  could  be  found. 

190 


June  2] 


PROCEEDINGS. 


[iJi96. 


kfmi  "power,"  possibly  also  the  strange  disfiguration  of  the  word 
jcha  in  the  "  Rituel  de  Tembaument"  {Rec.  trav.,  15,  36),  con- 
firm, that  some  scribes  used  j'^  for  f{a)u.  The  reasons  for  this 
play  were,  as  I  have  said  {Rec.  trav.,  15,  35),  the  same  as  have 
deceived  modern  decipherers.  The  sign  j'^  had  become  very 
obsolete,  and  was  regularly  written  only  in  the  two  words  afau  and 
hfati.  So  the  later  scribes  were  induced  to  treat  /  as  belonging  to 
the  sign  an.  How  old  this  mistake  is,  we  do  not  yet  know,  but, 
certainly,  the  value  belongs  only  to  those  marked  in  Brugsch's  List 
of  Hieroglyphs  ^x'Cvi  "Basse  Epoque."  To  introduce  it  into  the  texts 
of  the  pyramids,  would  hardly  be  better  than  reading  their  rrrn  with 
the  Ptolemaic  value  «,  etc. 

I  hope  my  esteemed  colleague  can  agree  with  the  compromise  : 

/f^  is  ^^v  ^^  an  up  to  Ptolemaic  time,  later  on  it  is  used  some- 
times for  "^      yN.  fan.,  possibly  even  for    u.    fu. 


191 


June  2]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGV.  [1896. 


THE  FOLLOA?VING  BOOKS  ARE  REQUIRED  FOR  THE 
LIBRARY  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 


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Society. 

Alker,  E.,  Die  Chronologie  der  Bucher  der  Kiinige  und   Paralipomenon  im 
Einklang  mit  der  Chronologie  der  Aegypter,  Assyrer,  Babylonier  und  Meder. 
Amelineau,  Histoire  du  Patriarche  Copte  Isaac. 

Contes  de  TEgj^pte  Chretienne. 

La  Morale  Egyptienne  quinze  siecles  avant  not  re  ere. 

vJVmiaud,  La  Legende  Syriaque  de  Saint  Alexis,  rhomme  de  Dieu. 

A.,  AND  L.  Mechineau,  Tableau  Compare  des  Ecritures  Babyloniennes 

et  Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen  aus  der  Sammlung  der  Papyrus  Erzherzog  Rainer.    2  parts. 


Baethgen,  Beitrage  zur  Semitischen  Religiongeshichte.     Der  Gott  Israels  und 

die  Gotter  der  Heiden. 
Blass,  a.  F.,  Eudoxi  ars  Astronomica  qualis  in  Charta  Aeg)'ptiaca  superest. 
BOTTA,  Monuments  de  Ninive.     5  vols.,  folio.     1847- 1850. 
Brugsch-Bey,    Geographische   Inschriften   Altaegyptische    Denkmaeler.     Vol. 

I— III  (Brugsch). 
Recueil  de  Monuments  i^gyptiens,  copies  sur  lieux  et  publics  pas 

H.  Brugsch  et  J.  Diimichen.     (4  vols.,  and  the  text  by  Dumichen 

of  vols.  3  and  4. ) 
BuDiNGER,    M.,   De    Colonarium    quarundam    Phoeniciarum    primordiis    cum 

Hebraeorum  exodo  conjunctis. 
BuRCKHARDT,  Eastern  Travels. 

Cassel,  Paulus,  Zophnet  Paneach  Aegj'ptische  Deutungen. 
Chabas,  Melanges  iSgyptologiques.     Series  I,  III.     1862-1S73. 
Dumichen,  Historische  Inschriften,  &c.,  ist  series,  1867. 

2nd  series,  1S69. 

Altaegyptische  Kalender-Inschriften,  1SS6. 

•  Tempel-Inschriften,  1862.     2  vols.,  folio. 


Ebers,    G.,    Papyrus   Ebers. 

Erman,  Papyrus  Westcar. 

Etudes  Egyptologiques.     13  vols.,  complete  to  1880. 

Gayet,  E.,  Steles  de  la  XII  dynastie  au  Musee  du  Louvre. 

Golenischeff,  Die  Metternichstele.     Folio,  1877. 

'■ Vingt-qualre  Tablettes  Cappadociennes  de  la  Collection  de. 

Grant-Bey,  Dr.,  The  Ancient  Egyptian  Religion  and  the  Influence  it  exerted 

on  the  Religions  that  came  in  contact  with  it. 
IIaupt,  Die  .Sumerischen  Familiengesetze. 
PIommel,  Dr.,  Geschichte  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens.      1892. 


June  2]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

Jastrow,  M.,  a  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  "  Dibbarra  "  Epic. 

Jensen,  Die  Kosmologie  der  Babylonier. 

Jeremias,  Tyrus  bis  zur  Zeit  Nubukadnezar's  Geschichtliche  Skizze  mit  beson- 

derer  Berucksichtigung  der  Keilschriftlichen  Quellen. 
Joachim,  H.,  Papyros  Ebers,  das  Alteste  Buch  iiber  Heilkunde. 
Johns  Hopkins  University.     Contributions  to  Assyriology  and  Comparative 

Semitic  Philology. 
Krebs,  F.,  De  Chnemothis  nomarchi  inscriptione  Aegyptiaca  commentatio. 
Lederer,  Die  Biblische   Zeitrechnung   vom   Auszuge   aus   Aegypten   bis   zum 

Beginne  der  Babylonische   Gefangenschaft  mit   Berichsichtignung  der   Re- 

sultate  der  Assyriologie  und  der  Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain,  Les  Monuments  Egj'ptiens  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale. 
LEFfeBURE,  Le  Mythe  Osirien.     2™^  partie.     "Osiris." 

Legrain,  G.,  Le  Livre  des  Transformations.     Papyrus  demotique  du  Louvre. 
Lehmann,    Samassumukin    Konig  von    Babylonien   668   vehr,   p.    xiv,    173. 

47  plates. 
Lepsius,  Nubian  Grammar,  &c.,  1880. 
Maruchi,  Monumenta  Papyracea  Aegj'ptia. 
MiJLLER,  D.  H.,  Epigraphische  Denkmaler  aus  Arabien. 
NooKDTZiG,    Israel's   verblijf  in    Egj'pte  bezien  int  licht  der   Egyptische  out-^ 

dekkingen. 
PoGNON,  Les  Inscriptions  Babyloniennes  du  Wadi  Brissa. 
Rawlinson,  Canon,  6th  Ancient  Monarchy. 
ROBiou,  Croyances  de  I'Egypte  a  I'epoque  des  Pyramides. 

Recherches  sur  le  Calendrier  en  Egypte  et  sur  le  chronologie  des  Lagides.. 

Sainte  Marie,  Mission  a  Carthage. 

Sarzec,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee. 

Schaeffer,  Commentationes  de  papyro  medicinal!  Lipsiensi. 

Schouw,  Charta  papyracea  graece  scripta  Musei  Borgiani  Velitris. 

ScHROEDER,  Die  Phonizische  Sprache. 

Strauss  and  Torney,  Der  Altag}'ptishe  Gotterglaube. 

ViREY,    P.,    Quelques    Observations    sur    I'Episode    d'Aristee,    a   propos   d'un 

Monument  Egyptien. 
Visser,  I.,  Hebreeuwsche  Archaeologie.     Utrecht,  1891. 
Walther,  J.,   Les  Decouvertes  de  Ninive  et  de   Babylone   au    point  de  vue 

biblique.     Lausanne,  1 890. 
WiLCKEN,  M.,  Actenstiicke  aus  der  Konigl.  Bank  zu  Theben. 
Wiltzke,  De  Biblische  Simson  der  Ag)-ptische  Horus-Ra. 
Winckler,  Hugo,  Der  Thontafelfund  von  El  Amarna.     Vols.  I  and  II. 

Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches  zum  Alten  Testament. 

Weissleach,  F.  H.,  Die  Achaemeniden  Inschriften  Zweiter  Art. 

Wesseley,  C,  Die  Pariser  Papyri  des  Fundes  von  El  Fajum. 

Zeitsch.  der  Deutschen  Morgenl.   Gesellsch.,  Vol.  I,   1847  ;    Vols.   IV  to  XII, 

1850  to  1858,  inclusive  ;  Vol.  XX  to  Vol.  XXXII,  1866  to  1878. 
ZiMMERN,  H.,  Die  Assyriologie  als  Hillfswissenschaft  fur  das  Studium  des  Alten 

Testaments. 


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VOL.  XVIII.  Part  7. 


PROCEEDINGS 


THE    SOCIETY 


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VOL.  XVIII.     TWENTY-SIXTH  SESSION. 

Sixth  Meeting,  November  T^rd,  1896. 


CONTENTS. 

VAGK 

V.  Ll.  Griffith. — Stela  of  Mentuhetep,  son  of  Hepy.     (Plate).      195-204 

Rev.  C.  II.  W.  Johns,  M.A. — A  New  Eponym  List 205-207 

Rev.   Dr.   Gaster. — Two    Unknown    Hebrew   Versions    of  the 

Tobit  Legend ^ 208-222 

Rev.   G,   Margoliouth. — More   Fragments   of    the    Palestinian 

Syriac  Version  of  the  Holy  Scriptures    223-236 

Alfred  Boissier. — Notes  Assyriologiques    237-239 

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„  XVIII, 

In  progress 

1896 

2 

0     ,, 

" 

2 

6 

A  few  complete  sets  of  the  Transactions  still  remain  for  sale,  which  may  i)f 
obtained  on  application  to  the  Secretary,  W.  li.  Rylands,  F.S.A.,  37,  Great 
Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE    SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL    ARCHAEOLOGY. 


TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION,     1896. 


Sixth  Meetings  yd  November,  1896. 
JOSEPH  POLLARD,  Esq., 


IN    THE   CHAIR. 


The  Society  have  to  regret  the  loss  by  death  of  the 
following  Members : — 

His  Grace  the  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury,  Viee-P  resident. 
James  Grant-Bey,  M.D.,  LL.D.,  CM. 


The    following    Presents   were    announced,    and    thanks 
ordered  to  be  returned  to  the  Donors  : — 

From  the  Author,  Rev.  A.  J.  Delattre,  S.J. : — Le  Pays  de  Chanan, 
province  de  I'ancien  empire  egyptien.     8vo.     Paris.      1896. 
Revue  des  questions  Historiques.     1896,  Juillet. 
From  the  Authors,  J.  E.  Gautier  et  Gustave  Jequier : — Fouilles 
de  Licht.     8vo.     Paris.     1896. 
Revue  Arch. 
From  the  Author,   Dr.   A.  Wiedemann  : — Remarques  et    Notes. 
8vo.     1896, 

Recueil  de  Travaux,  XVIII. 
[No.  cxL.]  193  r 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.-EOLOGV.  [1896. 

From  the  Author,  Prof.  E.  Lefebure  : — Le  lievre  dans  la  Mytho- 

logie.     Paris.     8vo.      1896. 
Melusine,  Tome  VIII. 
From  the  Author,  E.  AmeUneau: — Les  nouvelles  fouilles  d'Abydos. 

Svo.     Angers.      1896. 
From   the  Author,  Joseph    Pollard    {Member  of  Council)  : — The 

Land  of  the   Monuments,   Notes  on  Egyptian   Travel.      8vo. 

1896. 
From  the  Author,  Rev.  C.  A.  de  Cara,  S.J.  : — I  Fenchi  e  la  Civilta 

Micenea  secondo  il  Prof.  W.  Helbig.     Svo.     Rome.      1896. 
Civilta  Cattolica,  Vol.  VI. 
From    Rev.    R.    Gwynne    {^Sec.  for   For.    Corr.) : — Catalogue    of 

Antiquities  from  Tliebes,  exhibited  at  University  College,  July 

6th  to  Aug.  I  St,  1896. 

Egyptian  Research  Account.     Svo.     London. 
From  J.  Pollard  : — Another  copy. 
The  following  Candidates  were  nominated  for  election  at 
th2  next  Meeting  to  be  held  on  the  ist  December,  1896: — 
Alexander    Snell    Cantlay,     Avalonia,     Dunheved    Road    South, 

Thornton  Heath. 
Richard  Cooke,  The  Croft,  Detling,  Maidstone. 
Francis  A.  Cunningham,  A.M.,  B.Sc,  825,  Arch  Street,  Philadel- 
phia, U.S.A. 
Mrs.    Grenfell,    Via   San    Martino,     114,    Viareggio,    Riviera  di 

Levante,  Italy. 
Eduard  Kotalla,  Domplatz  4,  Breslau. 
Reginald    Arthur     Rye,     Fernie-Knowe,   Lancaster-road,    West 

Norwood,  S.E. 
M.  I'Abbe  de  la  Paquerie,  Superieur  du  Bon  Pasteur,  Marseilles. 
Rev.  W.  Merrell  White,  Harrop  Edge  House,  Stalybridge. 

To  be  added  to  the  List  of  Subscribers : — 
The  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  New  York,  U.S.A. 


A  Paper  was  read   by  the  Rev.   Dr.   Lowy  :   "  The  Song 
of  Deborah." 

Remarks  were  added  by  Rev.  R.  Gwynne,  Rev.  Dr.  Caster, 

and  Dr.  Lowy. 
Thanks  were  returned  for  this  communication. 

194 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [iS?6. 


STELA   OF    MENTUHETEP    SON    OF    HEPY. 
By  F.  Ll.  Griffith. 

In  1894,  Professor  Petrie  purchased  in  Luxor  a  limestone  stela 
of  the  Middle  Kingdom,  which  he  deposited  in  the  Edwards 
Library  at  University  College,  London.  It  had  been  broken  across 
and  mended  by  the  Arabs,  and  the  surface  was  a  good  deal  injured, 
while  some  of  the  engraving  upon  it  was  filled  with  the  powdered 
lime,  etc.,  used  in  the  repairs.*  Unfortunately  also  the  stons  was 
full  of  salt,  and  the  variable  English  climate  actmg  upon  this  soon 
caused  ihe  surface  to  crumble  away.  The  only  remedy  was  to  give 
the  tablet  a  long  soaking  in  water  and  so  extract  the  salt.  About  a 
month  after  its  arrival  this  was  done  by  Professor  Petrie  himself, 
who  took  all  possible  precautions  to  save  the  surface  from  dropping 
off  piecemeal.  The  tablet  was  laid  face  upwards  in  still  water,  which 
was  occasionally  drawn  off  and  renewed  without  any  disturbance, 
and  after  about  a  month  of  this  treatment  the  tablet  was  cleaned 
and  dried  and  the  fragments  replaced.  The  losses,  which  with  less 
care  might  have  been  serious,  amount  to  only  three  or  four  signs 
gone  and  a  few  others  injured,  while  what  remains  is  now  perfectly 
secure  from  decay. 

The  reading  of  some  passages  in  the  inscription  was  made 
clearer  by  the  cleaning  process,  and  fortunately  Mr.  Crum  and  I 
had  made  rough  though  careful  copies  of  the  tablet  soon  after  it  was 
unpacked.  Mr.  Crum  with  his  usual  generosity  lent  me  his  copy 
for  comparison,  so  that  I  have  had  the  fullest  possible  materials 
to  work  from  in  restoring  the  readings,  and  repeated  examination 

*  There  are  also  several  broad  and  irregular  groovings,  or  channels,  down 
the  face,  such  as  are  sometimes  observable  in  monuments  of  limestone.  Professor 
Petrie  believes  that  they  were  caused  by  the  decay  of  large  plant  roots  against  the 
face  of  the  stone. 

195  P    2 


Nov.   3]  SOCFETV  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGV.  [1S96. 

of  the  original  has  cleared  up  almost  every  doubtful  point.  For 
an  excellent  and  careful  copy  of  the  original  the  Society  is 
indebted  to  Miss  Carthew.  In  the  plate,  broken  outlines  mean 
that  the  signs  are  no  longer  traceable,  but  have  clear  warrant  in  the 
first  copies. 

The  tablet  measures  19  x  25  inches  (in  the  plate  reduced  to 
little  more  than  one  third  linear).  On  the  left  side  we  have  the 
standing  figure  of  the  deceased,  named  Mentuhetep,  wearing  collar, 
curled  wig,  and  waist  cloth  with  triangular  fold  in  front.  He  is 
striding  forward  with  a  long  staff  in  one  hand  and  a  kherp  wand 
of  dignity  in  the  other.  The  artist  as  usual  desired  to  show  as 
much  as  possible  of  the  front  part  of  the  body,  and  since  it  faced  to 
the  right,  he  was  compelled  to  reverse  the  position  of  the  arms,  the 
advanced  "staff"  hand  becoming  the  left,  and  the  klierp  hand  the 
right.  The  top  line  of  writing  contains  a  prayer  and  ends  with 
Mentuhetep's  name  and  titles  over  his  head ;  the  description  of  this 
personage  follows  in  fifteen  lines  engraved  in  front  of  the  figure. 

Line  i.  May  the  king  grant  hetep  (a),  and  may  Osiris  lord  of 
Dedu  (Busiris),  the  great  god  lord  of  Abydos  (grant  hetep),  may  he 
(Osiris)  grant  a  ready  service  {h)  (with)  bread,  beer,  flesh  of  beasts 
and  fowl,  thousands  of  cloth  and  stuffs  and  of  every  good  and  pure 
thing,  to  the  worthy  {c)  crpa  ha,  superintendent  of  the  priests, 
Mentuhetep,  born  of  Hepy,  justified  (?)  {d). 

n       ^    r-     ft-     ■ 

{a)  The   ever-recurring   formula,     I  A  ,    is   pronounced    by 

Professor  Erman  to  be  unintelligible  {Gra)ninnr,  p.  40*),  and  the 
more  one  studies  the  variants  the  less  certain  does  any  single 
rendering  appear.  Probably  the  variants  are  somewhat  contradictory 
through  the  formula  having  lost  the  sharpness  of  its  meaning  by 
repetition.  It  seems  to  me  that,  in  the  case  of  a  very  ancient 
formula  used  over  and  over  again  millions  of  times,  where  there  is 
a  choice  of  variants  it  is  safest  to  take  the  fullest  form  ;  contraction, 
both   phonetic  and   graphic,  being  probable  and  undue  expansion 

improbable.     Thus    I  A  "^^     A    '  '' l"^^'^P  g'^^  the  kmg,  and 

/tefep  give  Anubis,"  may  be  taken  as  the  standard  expansion  of 

1  A  ^>^  foi'  the  decipherer  to  work  from  ;   and  any  difficulties 

in  the  variant    I     ^    A  ^^=^=1,  which  is  common  enough,  may 

lje  disregarded  as  due  to  abbreviation  of  a  kind  that  obscures  the 

196 


CM       /#^^!>-'    _g 


A.C.F."..  d 


Tablet  in  the  Fl 

rdoU;ed  ouUines 


Froc.  Soc,Bibl,Arch.  .Nov '.'  I8yb. 


;/^,  ^n;:^^^  Lir ' :  t  f  rtAJLf 


^ 


S^^r^^l,  *  //)  X"^  It  L^  ■■■-  ^^ 


1i^fl*/f^S/f!n^^Mf/MLiTf 


""''^P'/' -^n    /^L^LWuL/^^I   vL I^wwv   /vivwvA  A'^'^W.^-;^)!^^, 


.A  ^  Z\:liCr*^Qt'Wi^^///T •...i  1^ — lAii  -     '  fei4^ 


M^S^s^^^^?l<;?sTJ^'a 


/« 


t^5*i*f?^;^fWv^it^^H^^ 


<■  Petri  e  Collection 

'  ';;iy  first    Copies) 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

sense :  just  as  an  ignorant  or  thoughtless  writer  might  produce  a 
meaningless  quotation  out  of  "  Pater  noster  "  or  use  it  in  a  perverted 
sense.     The  history  of  an  abbreviation  is  often  forgotten. 

The  variants  show  that  1  ,  the  king,  was  as  much  appealed 

to  for  r-^^  as  ^^\  the  god  ;    indeed  more  so,  for  the  king's  title  is 

hardly  once  omitted  from  the  prayer.  The  king  always  stands  first 
in  the  appeal,  and  the  prayer  is  constantly  referred  to  in  the  in- 
scriptions by  a  name  taken  from  its  first  three  words,  1     A     . 

There  can  be  no  question  that  in  the  early  texts  the  apj^eal  to 
the    king    is    a    real    one,   but    in    the  Xllth    Dynasty   we  find  an 

extension    of   the    formuja,   thus     I  \  ^^\  f     ,  etc.,  in 

which   the       V       and   all  the  other   blessings   except  the   ,    0  ..   are 

given   by  the  god  or  gods  solely,   without   the  co-operation  of  the 

king,  and  it  looks  as  if  the  word   Ic^  was  retained  here  only  from 

custom  in  order  to  introduce  the  formula,  and  that  it  had  no  real  sig- 
nificance. It  is  possible,  however,  that  it  had  a  very  serious  meaning. 
In  that  case  the  formula  will  show  that  while  the  king  was  equal  with 
the  gods  in  granting  //etej>,  and  his  /je/e/>  was  almost,  if  not   quite, 

I 1 

indispensable,  he  never  specifically  shared  in  the  giving  of      1     • 

Hettp  might  mean  (i)  "an  offering,"  (2)  "rest"  (in  the  tomb), 
or  (3)  "grace."  As  to  the  first,  Jietep  here  seems  by  no  means  an 
appropriate  word  for  the  gift  of  a  god  or  king  to  a  deceased  mortal, 
for  it  rather  denotes  an  offering  from  an  inferior  made  to  gain  the 
favour  of  a  superior.  "  Rest,"  "  repose  "  fits  better ;  but  if  "  grace  " 
is  the  real  meaning,  as  I  have  long  suspected,  then  the  king  (if  the 
king's  name  is  really  important  at  all)  appears  as  a  mediator  whose 
"  sanction  "  is  required  to  the  petition,  yet  who  is  unable  to  grant 
the  enjoyment  of  the  supplies,  while  the  gods,  who  cannot  or  will 
not  act  without  the  sanction  of  the  king,  when  that  is  obtained  give 
their  own  sanction  and  enable  the  deceased  to  partake  of  the  joys 
of  the  blessed  dead.  In  hieratic  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  ^-Q— ,  is 
written  ^^  ^^^ ■,  or  ^^  Trf '  ^"^  orthography  which  is  in  favour 
of  the  sense  "offering./  With  regard  to  its  position  in  the  formula 
////  di^  sin  htp  di^  Inpw,  it  seems  to  be  placed  first  as  a  matter  of 
emphasis  :  "  Grace  (?)  grant  the  king,"  etc. 

197 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY   OF   BIBLICAL   ARCH.EOLOGV.  [1896. 

{l>)     V     .     This  group  was  discussed  in   1858  by  Birch,  in  his 

admirable  Mhiioife  sur  luie  paicre  cgypticuue,  p.  72,  and  recently  by 
Maspero,  Eiud'^s  de  iMytho/ogie,  I.,  j).  112.  It  is  a  graphic  con- 
traction found  in  the  earliest  known  texts,  and  two  extensions  of 
it  are  authorized  by  the  ancient  scribes.  For  the  Xllth  Dynasty 
Dr.    Birch    tpioted  from  stelae — one   of   them   Sharpe,  Eg.   I/isc, 

I,  xvu — two  almost   identical   examples  of    <crr>  1  v\  ^\    n 

^C\    y      =0" ,  etc.,  corresi^onding  to       V     ,  and  M.  MasiDcro  added 

to    these    two    remarkable    examples    of   the    use    of    the    phrase 

J\  I   Y^  QA   in  a  funerary  formula  from  the  time  of  the  New 


Kingdom.      Better  still,   Sir   P.   De  Page  Renouf  has  quoted  from 
the    Pyramid    texts    of    the     Old     Kingdom    the    weighty    phrase 

^^\    <:rz>  \l[  ^!  )   which  constantly  recurs  without  impor- 

tant variation  in  Unas  and  Pepy  II.  (see  Schack-Schackenburg, 
Index    zii    dc?i    Pyramidetitexten,    p.    33,*   under  g),   in   a  context 

which  can  hardly  leave  a  doubt  that  it  is  connected  with      ?     • 

But    Dr.    Birch    also    (Quoted    from    the    Book    of    the    Dead, 


Chapter  CV,  the  phrase  J\  <cz::>  1   Y>  ^  determined  by 

I 1 

the  sign  of  food.     That  this  was  recognized  as  a  solution  of      ? 

by  some  of  the  best  scribes  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  is  shown  by 
a  passage  in  the  tomb  of  Paheri  (back  wall,  1.  41),  in  which  priests, 

etc.,  visiting  the  tomb  are  desired  to  "say    I  A  ,  in  accordance 

with    what    was    in    writing,    and  <r:r>  1    v\      ,     as    the 

*'         <=^  7\         0  Jr  III' 

ancestors  said,  even  as  that  which  issued  from  the   mouth  of  the 
god."     The  j)arallel  position  of  the  two  formulae  in  these  sentences 


leaves    no   doubt    as    to  <cr>  I  v\        being    intended    to 

<=::>7\  OJrill  " 

represent  the  inevitable      ?    •     'fhe  Paheri  text  is  doubtless  written 

carefully  in  order  to  represent  accurately  the  true  reading  of  the 
antique  formula  as  it  was  pronounced  by  the  "ancestors." 

There  ha[)pens  to  be  a  very  striking  instance  of      ?      in  a  tomb 

198 


Nov.   3]  rUOCEEDINGS,  [1896. 

of  the  time  of  Snefru,  at  the  very  commencement  of  the  monu- 
mental period  in  Egypt,  namely  the  tomb  of  Methen  brought  from 

Abusir,  and  now  in  the  Berlin  Museum  :  J^=^  A  (llll  "^c=^ 

I     U  V\       I  ^\  -JpIS,  etc.*     Such  a  passage,  taken 

9     1  -Hmr  AAA/vvA  ©^  ^^ZZ^  W^  0  [ 
from  the  earliest  monuments  and  varying  the  context  of  the  formulae 
to  an  extraordinary  degree,  even  the  appeal  to   the  king  being  for 
once   omitted,   affords  the   best  possible   test   by  which   to   try  the 

extension  and  the  meaning.     The  readmg  A  I  \>  Q()'   "issue 

of  the  voice,"  "  utterance  of  the  voice,"  would  be  meaningless  with 

the   following        4     ;    but    by    reading 

obtain  the  following  excellent  sense  :  "  May  Anubis,  chief  of  the 
Sacred  Land,  give  //ete/',  that  there  may  be  a  coming  out  in  answer 
to  the  call  therein  (?)  by  all  his  domains  in  the  feast  of  Uag,  etc." 
Below  are  figured  the  domains  personified  as  women,  and  bringing 
the  food,  drink,  etc.     (It  is  only  difficult  to  fix  the  word  to  which 

[1  ^^^^   refers  ;  it  might  mean   "  therein,"  i.e.,   in  the  Sacred  Land  ; 

"  thereby,"  i.e.,  by  the  grace  {hetep)  of  Anubis  ;  or  "  therewith,"  i.e  , 
supplied  from  the  offering  {hetep)  of  Anubis).      Here  the  farms  as 

servants  or  attendants  are  necessarily  the  agents  of  ,  so  that 


.  <^^^^  A  \>  ^M  should  mean  "  a  coming  out  (of  servants  in 
obedience)  to  the  voice  (of  their  master)."  It  might  very  well  be 
an  ancient  household  term  that  found  its  way  at  a  remote  date  into 
the  ritual.  So  also  in  Naville,  Tdtb.,  Cap.  CV.,  the  best  texts 
have,  "but  I  am  not  an  ox  of  victims,  one  does  not  come  out  to  the 


voice  >vith  n,e,"  ^  ^^^'^<=^W  ,  ,  ,\%^^<  -- 
"I  am  not  served  up  for  funerary  food." 

We   have  therefore    two    readings  well   authenticated,  namely, 

"""^  ^  I  %  ^  and  ^^^^  ^  <=>  I  %>  d|l-  It  is  difficult  to  know 
what  to  do  with  them  ;  perhaps  both  were  recognized  as  correct 
from  the  earliest  times,  and  were  used  indifferently  according  to  the 

preference  of  the  scribe.     Perhaps,  on  the  other  hand,  "  <rr:> 

I   V  ^  '  ^'^^ch  ^^^^  "o'^  been  found  in  any  text  dating  from  before 

*  L.  D.,  II,  5. 
199 


Nov.   3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/i:OLOGY.  [1896. 

the  New  Kingdom,  represents  a  false  attempt  on  tlie  part  of  the 
scribe  to  s;ive  a  meaning  to  the  contraction.     But  if  |  ^^  ^ 

is  to  make  sense  in  the  Methen  text,  we  must  suppose  one  of  two 

things  :   either    t 1  j^   retains  here  a  transitive  sense    by  ancient 

usage,  otherwise  obsolete,  so  that  the  phrase  means  not  "  a  coming 
out  of  the  voice,"  but  "  a  making  to  come  out,  an  utterance  of  the 
voice  by  the  cities,"  or  else  the  two  words  had  already  at  that  early 
time  formed,  by  an  "  Americanism,"  a  single  compound  verb  capable 
of  being  constructed  with  an  agent.      Even  so  it  is  not  very  clear  how 

I    w^  ^   should    come     to     mean    practically    "  funerary 

offerings." 

Lastly,  to  note  what  the   leading  views  on  the  subject  are  at 
present :  In  his  Grammar,  p.  50*,  Professor  Erman  cautiously  reads 

L  J  J  doubtfully,  prt-hrw  (?),  "  Uarbringung  fiir  die  Toten,"  with- 
out discussing  it.  This  general  meaning  of  course  no  one  disputes. 
Professor   Maspero   allows  both   extensions,  ^  I   >^  §[) 

"  sortie  de  voix,"  ^__^  A  <=>  1  _y  gA  ,  .  ,  "  ^°"'^  ^  ^^  ^'^^^"  ^^^^' 
however,  meaning  "coming  forth  (of  the  offerings  in  answer)  to  the 
voice  (of  the  sacrificer)."     Lastly,  Sir  P.  Renouf,  Proc,  XVI,   272, 

reads  it  '~^  K\<-  simply  "coming  forth  of  food,"  and  so 

"mortuary  gifts."  I^"^-  however,  cannot  be  ^pe,  "  food,'' 
for  the  Coptic  word  is  teminuie,  and  c»J^  appears  to  be  the  deter- 
minative not  of  1  "vX  alone,  but  of  the  whole  phrase  ;  moreover, 
the  hieroglyphic  original  of  ^pe  (a  word  very  common  also  in 
Demotic)  is  certainly    ^^    .  ^  1  • 

{c)  ^  seems  to  denote  the  quality  of  having  earned  favour  by 

faithful  service. 

id)  Professor     Maspero's   translation    "true   of  voice,"^  in    the 
intonation  of  spells,  etc.   (see  his  well-known  article  in  Etudes  de 

Mythologie,  I.,  p.  93),  agrees  best  with  the  usual  meaning  of  j,  but 
I  am  not  yet  persuaded  that  the  old  rendering  "  triumjjhant," 
"justified"    does    not  give    the    best    sense,    the    words    mlc    (irw 

200 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96 

literally    expressing   that   the   person    named    is    proved    "true    of 
statement,"    "  true  of  claim."      It    is    quite   possible   that   in    this 

ancient  formula   I  v\  ^h  should  have  had  a  special  meaning  not 

found  elsewhere.     In  line  10  below  there  is  a  good  example  of  the 
expression. 


The  inscription  continues  : — 

2.  He  says  :  I  was  firm  of  foot,  forcing  a  way  (through  obstacles), 
one  whom  his  lord  caused  to  be  loved?.  I  was  a  great  one  of 
{i.e.,  in  dealing  witli)  a  difficult  situation  (?),*  applying  (?)  the  heart, 
free  of  weariness  (c:arelessness),t 

3.  not  rude  (sulky  ?)  before  the  powerful :  my  affection  was  in 
the  body  of  the  royal  friends  and  the  magnates  of  the  palace  who 
appeared^  there  gloriously;  (I  was  one  that)  entered  to  his  lord 
with  magnates  at  his  back, 

4.  and  the  doorkeepers  bending  down  as  far  as  (or,  '  until  I 
reached')  the  place  in  which  (his)§  majesty  was.  Coming  out 
thence  my  heart  was  exalted,  I  had  praises  in  the  sight  of  all 
people.     His  [majesty]  ||  did, 

5.  these  things  to  his  servant  of  the  greatness  of  my  forcing  a 
way  (determination  and  energy).  He  made  me  "  Satisfier  of  the 
desire"^  of  his  majesty,  in  An  (Hermonthis),  the  best  of  his  estates 
(or,  '  the  chief  city  of  his  nomes '),  The  learned  and  the  ignorant 
loved  me,  every  one  praised  God  for  me,** 

6.  in  praying  for  me  long  life  upon  earth,  of  the  greatness  of  the 
praises  that  his  majesty  accorded  to  me  beyond  the  others  who  had 
been  (?)  in  this  city,  I  it  was  that  brought  up  the  child  and  buried 
the  aged, 

*  Apparently   U ,   which  is  sometimes  used  in  an  abstract  case. 

t  Crum  has  nH  ?  for  the  first  IT],  but  there  is  no  ?  in  my  copy.  The  word 
is  of  the  same  formation  as  nmstns,  nftft,  Saneha,  line  4,  etc. 

X  I  do  not  feel  sure  of  the  construction  here. 

§  ^^-^ —  must  have  been  omitted  by  accident.  The  complication  of  persons 
has  produced  confusion. 

II    Restore     \_l\   \  . 

IT  A  title,  not  a  mere  epithet. 

201 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGY.  [1896. 

7.  and  as  to  every  oppressed  one  belonging  thereto,*  I  gave 
bread  to  the  hungry,  clothes  to  the  naked  :  I  was  the  son  of  Nepra 
(god  of  the  harvest),  husband  of  Tayt  (goddess  of  weaving,  etc.) : 
one  to  whom  grew 

8.  cowsf :  possessor  of  precious  things  in  every  mineral  |  a 
(very)  Meschent  (goddess  of  birth)  and  Khnumu  (god  of  creation) 
(in)  making  (establishing)  people  :  when  there  was  a  deficient  Nile§ 
for  twenty-five  years,  || 

9.  not  allowing  my  nome  to  be  irrigated  (?),^  I  gave  to  it 
southern  corn  and  spelt,  not  allowing  misery**  to  take  place  in  it, 
until  there  came  abundant  Niles.     I  fed  the  children  with 

10.  my  hands,  and  I  anointed  the  widows.  There  was  not  a 
poor  man  wretched  in  my  time.  I  strove  to  make  myself  beloved 
of  the  desire  that  my  name  should  be  good,  and  that  my  claim 
should  be  justified. ft 

11.  in  Khertneter.  The  children  were  instructed  (?)  for  me 
in  pleasantness  of  speech  (?).  Attentive  of  heart  to  prevent  strife 
with  a  poor  man  ;  not  was  there  an  overseer  rude  ;  desiring  to 
comfort  (?)  the  heart  until  it  should  tell 

?      ? 
*  The  reading  would  seem    to   be      |  ? ^  (1(1  v_^  (J  <;;;2^    \s\\\\   liUle 


duubt  except  as  to  the   |  I ,   but  the  translation  is  very  doubtful. 

I   *  Jii^     .M>  111 

t  See  DE  Morgan,  Fouilles  a  DahcJioitr,  for  examples  of  such  jewellery. 

§  If  <::2>  tloes  not  belong  to  \X  ,  this  may  be    f  ■  1   ^^^va^  0  1  —  1  , 

W  .  L' J  AD 

"height''  of  Nile,  as  in  the  measurements  at  Semneh. 

II  This  might  be  "  in  the  year  XXV  of  the  king  "  ;  but  no  reign  is  mentioned 

on  the  stela.     Or  it  might   refer  to  the  nomarchship  ;  but  the  stela  seuns  to 

belong  to  the  Xllth  Dynasty,  and  the  dating  by  nomarchship  hardly  existetl  so 

late,  

'i^jy.^WrfdKH^';^-  i    niiiie   <:r:>  >^;--l;  i  ^Sv-v  ,    .     The   reading 

anpears  to  be    <:n>  --•'■;.c\n-o  ■  !      5  f  Zl  1  ,      I  did   not  allow  my  nome 

to  be  famished,"  suggests  itself  as  a  restoration,  but  there  is  hardly  space  for 

the    /^r^v^y^r^  . 

**  %>  S  ^^    perhaps  =  "^  V  "^    of  Prisse,  sec  Proc.    Soc.   Bibl. 

Arch.,  XIII,  74. 

tt  See  note  d  on  line  i . 

202 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

12.  its  troubles,  until  it  should  discuss  (?)  the  things  of  its 
interior  :  listening  to  its  speech,  curing  its  woe ;  causing  a  man  to 
be  just  beyond  (mere)  silence  (inaction?),  that  desire  should  be 
drowned  (?).     Bending  the  back  (?)*  (in  condescension  or  reverence) 

13.  to  everybody,  not  veiling  the  face  from  the  hungry.  It  was 
a  kindly  (or  'beloved')  hand,  it  was  a  unique  complexion  (species?): 
as  to  the  people  (?),t  there  was  not  any  disputer  with  an  overseer  (?) 

14.  or  with  any  under-officer  (?)  of  (my?)  house  (department?), 
but  rather  I  (?)  said  :  '  let  thy  heart  be  encouraged  (?),  be  not 
grieved  (?)|  at  complaints  '  until  he  told  that  for  which  he  had 
come.     Were  reported  to  me  the  affairs  of  the  poor, 

15.  of  widows  and  of  orphans  likewise.  §     I  made  their 

to  give  breath  to  him  who  had  gone  to  wretchedness.  Verily  it 
is  a  good  distinction  of  a  man  for  himself,  more  than  thousands 
of  armsful  of  accomplishment.     I  heard  the  mouth  of  men 

16.  in  (the  manner  of)  that  proverb  concerning  the  overseer  of 
geese  (?)  :  'the  monument  of  a  man  is  his  glory  (lit.  "good  things"), 
oblivion  is  an  evil.'  Distinction,  verily  it  did  come  to  passjl  as  hath 
been  said  :  whereas  I  have  indeed  a  good  V,  name,  established  in  my 
city,  my  monument  shall  not  decay  to  eternity. 

The  above  epitaph,  which  contains  plenty  of  difficult  words  and 
expressions,  nevertheless  gives  us  a  remarkable  picture  of  a  kindly 
and  beneficent  ruler,  lacking  selfish  ambition,  but  not  ability  or 
energy.  Whether  it  be  a  true  character  of  Mentuhetep  in  particular 
is  another  matter.  We  learn  from  it  that  Mentuhetep  son  of  Hepy 
was  /^rt-prince  and  superintendent  of  the  priests  in  Hermonthis. 
These  combined  titles  were  seldom,  if  ever,  held  except  by  the 
nomarch  ;  we  might  therefore  be  tolerably  sure  that  Mentuhetep 
was  nomarch  of  the  Hermonthite  nome,  in  which  Thebes  itself  was 


A^^^AA 


*  Probably  the  engraver  has  written        |       for        1"       or  '^ 
t  The  reading  is  practically  certain,  but  the  passage  is  difficult  to  translate, 
t  A  variant  of  S=:;S\  m  Sts  ,    Brugsch,    iF^l/.   SnppL  ;   lit.   "burdened," 
but  perhaps  "do  not  load  we  with  complaints"  would  account  better  for  the     v\. 

§  Read     ^111    2  ^  . 

li  The   <:zi>  after    >j^    is  very  uncertain. 

\  Crum  agrees  with  me  in    c-'^-^  ,   I  ,  and  .^^  ,  all  of  which  are  now  lost. 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1S96. 

situated,  even  if  the  general  tenor  of  the  inscription  did  not  imply 
this  fact.  By  its  style  the  stela  belongs  to  the  Middle  Kingdom, 
and  from  insistance  on  virtues  which  can  best  flourish  in  times  of 
peace  we  may  be  sure  that  it  dates  from  a  period  when  Egypt  was 
in.  a  thoroughly  settled  condition.  The  text  makes  mention  of 
a  succession  of  deficient  rises  of  the  Nile  continuing  apparently  Srr 
the  unparalleled  period  of  twenty-five  years.  This  famine  might  well 
be  identified  with  that  mentioned  in  the  inscription  of  Amenemhat 
at  Beni  Hasan  which  must  have  occurred  in  the  time  of  Usertesen  I. 
As  regards  the  personality  of  the  man  for  whom  this  epitaph 
was  written  little  can  be  discovered.  Mentuhetep  was  certainly 
a  common  name  in  the  Hermonthite  nome,  where  Mentu  was  at 
that  time  the  principal  deity,  and  Hepy  also  was  a  common  name, 
so  perhaps  no  further  identification  of  the  Mentuhetep  of  this  stela 
will  ever  be  satisfactorily  made. 


204 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


A  NEW  EPONYM  LIST.     82-5-22,  121. 
By  the  Rev.  C.  H.  W.  Johns,  M.A. 

This  tablet  first  attracted  my  attention  on  October  17th,  when 
seeking  for  "  lists  of  officials "  by  aid  of  the  great  Catalogue  of 
Kouyunjik  Tablets.  Owing  to  the  failing  light  I  could  then  only 
make  out  a  few  names,  but  noted  that  it  was  an  Eponym  List.  I 
have  since  carefully  copied  it,  and  though  it  mostly  repeats  a 
sequence  already  well-known,  I  thought  it  worth  while  to  make  it 
common  property  at  once.  One  line,  however,  Column  11,5,  deviates 
remarkably  from  the  usual  Canon.  Unfortunately  the  whole  tablet 
is  much  injured,  and  this  line  is  rather  uncertain  in  its  reading. 
The  name  Zer-bani  is  read  in  Canon  I,  K.  4329,  by  an  almost 
certain  restoration  of  the  traces  left  in  Column  V,  6.  On  Canon  III, 
K.  4389,  Column  IV,  line  6,  it  is  clearly  Zer-bini,  and  on  Canon  IV, 
Column  IV,  i,  it  is  the  same.  In  this  new  copy,  however,  the  line 
begins  with  Assur-m^t  .  .  .  su  .  .  .  .  Mr.  Pinches,  who  very  kindly 
has  collated  my  copy  with  the  original,  suggests  that  the  traces  may 
read  Assur-mat-i-pii-su,  and  in  that  case  the  Zer-bani  of  the  other 
copies  must  be  resolved  into  (»—  = )  Assur-mat-(^  =: )  ipus. 

That  an  entirely  different  name  might  occur  is  shown  by  the 
Eponym  Lists  for  B.C.  787  ;  where  Nabil-sar-usur  is  given  by  Rm. 
580  and  81-2-4,  187,  but  Balatu  by  K.  4389.  The  explanation  in 
both  cases  may  be  the  same.  In  my  copy  after  the  name  a  sign 
occurs  which  may  be  sar.  This  also  occurs  after  the  name  Gi-hi-ilu 
in  Column  III,  3.  In  neither  case  can  I  feel  certain  of  the  character 
nor  suggest  a  meaning  for  it.  At  the  bottom  of  Column  I  were 
certainly  two  more  lines,  but  though  it  is  easy  to  guess  what  they 
contained,  I  cannot  identify  the  traces  sufficiently  to  be  sure  of 
them.  In  Column  IV  there  are  traces  at  the  top  edge  besides  those 
I  give  lower.  The  latter  may  have  been  part  of  Assurbanipal's  usual 
colophon. 

The  older  sequence  of  state  officers  seems  to  have  been 
abandoned  in  Sargon's  time.  Assur-iska-danin  who  preceded 
Saigon  seems  to  have  been  tartan:  for  in  K.  998  Assur-is  ....  is 
na.ned  as  tarta?i  {Catalogue,  p.   207).     Assuming  the  old  order  he 

205 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BI15LICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 

should  have /o//(/7i'ed  Sa'-gon.  The  /las^/r  ekalli  ought  to  come  next, 
and  this  may  have  been  Assur-mat-ipus.  Then  Zer-bani,  if  a 
different  person,  could  have  been  rab-bi-lul,  whatever  that  means, 
and  would  be  followed  properly  by  Tab-sar-Assur,  the  tukultu.  As 
far  as  I  know  this  distribution  of  offices  is  not  confirmed  by  any- 
dated  contracts.  Other  deviations  from  the  old  order  occur  in 
Sargon's  reign,  and  in  Sennacherib's  all  seems  changed.  So  this 
must  remain  conjecture  at  present.  Possibly  the  character  at  end 
of  line  5,  Column  II,  is  an  ideogram  for  fiagir  ckalii,  and  if  so 
Gihilu  in  B.C.  689  held  that  office.  If  as  a  fact  Zerbani  was  nagir 
ikalli  and  Assur-mat-ipus  the  rablnliil,  then  the  unknown  character 
may  be  an  ideogram  for  rahbihil :  and  Gihilu  held  that  office. 
Such  a  conjecture  is  not  impossible,  for  assuming  his  predecessor 
Nabu-ukin-ahi  to  be  nagh-  ekalli^  then  the  Eponym  of  B.C.  691,  Bel- 
emuranni  was  tartan.  The  latter  was  the  case  in  B.C.  686  at  any 
rate  ;  and  though  in  B.C.  691  the  Taylor  Cylinder  calls  him  governor 
of  Carchemish,  he  may  have  come  to  the  office  of  tartan  the  same 
year,  so  as  to  make  the  sequence  I  have  suggested  the  true  one. 

The  tablet  has  been  broken  in  two  pieces,  and  was  rejoined  in 
the  Museum.  The  crack  passes  down  bet\\een  the  Columns  I  and  11, 
but  does  not  cause  much  difficulty.  'J"he  surface  is  bruised,  and  the 
characters  were  already  distorted  while  the  clay  was  damp.  I  did 
not  see  any  Museum  "label"  with  it.  The  Catalogue  (p.  1837) 
calls  it,  "  part  of  a  list  of  names  of  persons,  probably  officials."  I 
believe  it  has  not  been  hitherto  noticed  elsewhere. 

82-5-22,  121. 

Obverse. 
Column  I.  Column  II. 

T  -n  -^IT  ^^  -n  >v         T  «  ^\ « 

T  <  -XV  i^r  \  AA  <--  m\  A  ^^ir 

y  ^>-v  -.^y  ^ 

206 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [i!^'96. 

Reverse. 
Column  IV.  Column.  III. 

y  ^^y  ^  j:^y  ^ 
y  ^yy4  ^->f  ^m^ 

Piii^^  rmmB       y « >^  j:^  ^.y^; 


y  ^>f  ^  «  ^ 

bottom  edge 

N.B. — The  solid  type  indicates  \vhat  I  am  sure  I  can  see,  the  hollow 
type  what  probable  restoration  suits  the  traces  best  in  my  opinion. 

As  the  first  column  begins  with  Tiglath-pileser  III,  B.C.  743.  and 
the  second  with  Ninip-ilai,  B.C.  722,  Colunm  I  contained  21  lines, 
or  22  if  Shalmaneser  IV  had  2  lines  to  himself.  Column  II 
probably  contains  another  21  or  22  lines,  ending  with  B.C.  700  or 
B.C.  701.  Column  III  must  have  had  18  or  19  lines,  of  which  10 
remain.  Column  IV  thus  had  about  g  lines,  or  the  list  reached 
from  B.C.  743  to  B.C.  673. 

If  the  reasons  no  longer  exist  which  caused  the  esteemed  com- 
l)iler  of  the  Catalogue  to  withhold  the  information  that  82-5-22,  121 
is  an  Eponym  List,  perhaps  he  would  state  for  the  public  good  what 
were  the  characters  in  line  5  of  Column  II  when  he  first  examined 
the  tablet. 


207 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGY.  [1S96. 


TWO    UNKNOWN    HEBREW   VERSIONS    OF   THE 
TOBIT   LEGEND. 

\_Pi(i'/ishcd /(>?■  the  First  Tiine.'\ 

By  Dr.  M.  Gaster. 


I.— INTRODUCTION. 

Of  all  the  Apocrypha  of  the  Old  Testament  the  legend  of  Tobit 
alone  may  be  said  to  have  come  down  to  us  in  the  greatest  variety 
of  texts  and  translations.  There  are  no  less  than  three  more  or  less 
different  Greek  texts,  which  are  not  slight  alterations  of  one  and  the 
same  original,  but  diff"er  often  in  essential  points.  Then  there  are 
two  distinct  classes  of  Latin  translations :  one  the  Vetus  Latin, 
represented  by  a  variety  of  texts,  and  agreeing  in  some  points  with 
the  so-called  Greek  Sinaiticus  (C),  and  the  translation  of  Jerome, 
i.e.,  the  Vulgate.  We  have  then  at  least  two  Syriac  translations, 
both  however  imperfect,  each  of  these  representing  a  somewhat 
different  text. 

Ui'  to  a  very  short  time  ago  only  two  Hebrew  texts  of  Tobit  were 
known.  Both  had  appeared  Cor  the  first  time  in  Constantinople 
(I  possess  both  editions)  {a)  in  15 16,  and  {b)  in  15 19.  The  first  is 
better  known  as  Hebraeus  Munsteri  (H.M.),  and  the  second  as 
Hebraeus  Fagii  (H.F.),  after  the  names  of  these  two  scholars  who 
edited  them  in  1542.  In  1878  Dr.  Neubauer  published*  the  till 
then  unknown  Aramaic  text  (Ar.),  and  furnished  thus  an  important 

*  The  Book  of  Tobit,  Oxford,  1S7S. 
208 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

addition  to  the  literary  tradition  of  the  Tobit  legend.  In  the  light 
of  Dr.  Neubauer's  discovery  the  question  of  the  relation  in  which 
the  different  texts  stand  to  one  anodier  became  a  little  more 
simplified,  but  the  material  thus  available  was  not  yet  sufficient 
to  clear  up,  for  instance,  the  true  origin  of  Jerome's  text.  The 
result  of  the  investigation,  conducted  by  many  scholars,  and  sum- 
marised here,  has  not  been  able  to  establish  definitely  which  of  the 
various  Greek  texts  can  claim  absolute  priority.  Noeldeke,  and 
following  him  Schuerer,  adopted  the  view  propounded  by  Fritzsche 
and  others.  They  consider  the  text  of  our  LXX  (A)  as  the  most 
ancient  and  best.  The  other  two  texts  (B)  and  (C)  are,  according 
to  them,  secondary  developments  and  modifications  of  that  oldest 
text.  From  the  same  text  (A)  originate,  so  we  are  told,  (<?)  the  first 
fragment  of  the  Syriac ;  {/>)  the  yEthiopic  translation  ;  and  (<:)  the 
Hebrew  text  (HF) ;  this  latter  is  not  exactly  a  translation,  but  rather 
an  adaptation.  From  the  secondary  Greek  text,  or  a  mixed  text 
(B,  C),  arises  to  a  certain  extent  (a)  an  old  Aramaic  text  differing 
from  that  of  Dr.  Neubauer,  which  would  also  be  more  an  adap- 
tation with  many  characteristic  changes  and  differences;  (d)  Vetus 
Lat.  ;  and  (<r)  the  second  fragment  of  the  Syriac.  That  supposed 
more  complete  Aramaic  text  now  lost  (a),  is  then  the  reputed  source 
of  the  Aramaic  text  discovered  by  Dr.  Neubauer  (Ar.),  and  also  of 
the  Hebrew  version  of  15 16  (H.M.).  To  the  same  lost  Aramaic 
source  the  translation  of  Jerome  is  also  traced.  The  net  outcome 
of  this  scheme  formulated  by  Noeldeke  is  that  we  have  on  the  one 
hand  the  Greek  text  A  of  the  LXX  forming  a  distinct  group ;  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  a  number  of  texts  which  seem  to  go  back  to  one 
partly  represented  by  Greek  B,  C,  to  which  latter  group  all  the 
Semitic  versions  as  well  as  the  Latin,  both  the  Vetus  and  Jerome, 
except  Syr.  I,  belong.  Others  again  look  to  B,  C  as  the  primary 
source,  and  A  as  the  secondary  development  and  enlargement ;  so 
Reusch  and  others. 

The  connection  between  the  Latin  and  Aramaic-Hebrew  texts, 
and  the  reasons  for  such  marked  differences  between  them,  has 
not  yet  found  an  adequate  explanation.  Nor,  to  my  mind,  has  the 
priority  claimed  for  the  Greek  text  A  or  for  any  Greek  text,  been 
established  on  firm  ground.  It  is  very  surprising  that  most  of  the 
versions  should  favour  a  text  (A)  which,  according  to  modern 
scholars,  would  be  far  from  being  the  authentic  and  the  oldest  one, 
and  that  the  authors  of  these  numerous  versions  should  select,  as 

209  Q 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 

if  it  were,  for  their  model,  the  secondary  version  B,  C.  Still  more 
surprising  is  it  that  the  old  Latin,  and  especially  Jerome,  should  so 
completely  neglect  that  old  Greek  version  (A)  and  prefer  instead,  a 
totally  different  text.  Nor  have  we  any  reason  to  doubt  Jerome's 
deliberate  statement  that  he  took  his  Tobit  from  an  Aramaic 
original ;  Dr.  Neubauer's  discovery  goes  a  long  way  to  prove  it, 
although  Jerome's  Aramaic  version  must  have  been  very  different 
from  that  of  Dr.  Neubauer. 

In  order  to  unravel  the  somewhat  entangled  skein  of  the 
numerous  versions,  it  is  advisable  to  start  from  the  text  of  Jerome, 
about  the  date  of  which  there  cannot  be  any  doubt.  Illgen,  who 
has  written  a  very  elaborate  and  minute  study  on  the  book  of 
Tobit,*  has  shown  that  Jerome  has  laid  the  older  Latin  version 
under  considerable  contribution.  According  to  Jerome's  own  state- 
ment, the  text  he  had  before  him  was  written  in  Aramaic,  and  a  Jew 
who  knew  both  languages  translated  it  to  him  into  Hebrew,  from 
which  language  he  made  his  Latin  translation.  Not  a  word,  how- 
ever, is  mentioned  by  him  of  the  Old  Latin,  and  it  is  not  a  little  sur- 
prising to  find  in  his  version  a  number  of  incidents  and  details  wanting 
in  all  the  others.  These  additions  and  differences,  which  I  will 
enumerate  afterwards,  have  been  lightly  set  down  as  due  to  his 
invention  (Fritzsche).  I  am  not  aware  of  any  such  liberty  having 
been  taken  by  Jerome  with  any  other  canonical  or  apocryphal  book 
translated  by  him.  And  although  he  may  not  have  had  a  high 
respect  for  the  Book  of  Tobit,  it  is  nevertheless  singular  that  he 
should  have  indulged  in  such  a  fanciful  enlargement  of  a  text, 
which  he  knew  to  be  held  in  esteem  by  the  Church,  and  that  he 
should  try  to  palm  off  his  fiction  as  truth  on  the  devout  people  who 
wrote  to  him  for  the  book.  This,  as  well  as  his  silence  about  the 
Old  Latin,  and  the  choice  deliberately  made  by  him  in  the  selection 
of  this  version  in  preference  to  that  of  the  LXX,  call  for  an  ex- 
planation. This  can  only  be  found,  if  we  assume  that  he  had 
followed  faithfully  a  text  which  contained  those  peculiar  incidents 
and  variations.  That  text  must  have  had  the  reputation  of  being 
the  genuine  version,  and  for  that  very  reason  had  also  been  followed 
in  the  main  by  the  Old  Latin  translation.  I  do  not  wish  to  say 
that  the  Vetus  Latin  was  translated  directly  from  the  very  same 
text  which  served  Jerome  as  a  source.     Vetus  Latin  follows  in  the 

*  Die  Gcschichlc  Tobits.     Jena,  1800. 
210 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

main  Greek  texts,  which  may  have  been,  and  probably  were,  a 
Greek  version  of  the  B  C  type,  in  its  turn  a  translation  from  the 
Aramaic,  and  which  served  thus  as  an  intermediary  source  for  the 
Old  Latin.  Being  in  the  main  identical  with  his  own  text,  Jerome 
could  have  recourse  to  the  Old  Latin  for  touching  up  his  version,, 
which  he  owns  to  have  completed  in  one  single  day.  There  was 
thus  no  need  for  him  to  acknowledge  more  than  one  source,  namely 
Aramaic,  as  the  O.  Lat.  was  of  secondary  importance,  and  merely 
used  by  him  for  the  purpose  of  rectifying  the  translation  where  it 
agreed  with  his.  He  took  from  the  Old  Latin,  if  he  has  taken  any- 
thing at  all,  only  materials  for  verbal  alterations,  but  none  of  the 
realia.  They  agree  both,  because  both  are  based  upon  almost  one 
and  the  same  text.  Jerome  also  differs  from  the  Vetus  Latin  in  not 
a  few  instances,  showing  himself  independent  of  it. 

Having  cleared  the  road  thus  far,  we  proceed  now  to  the  study 
of  his  original,  which  according  to  his  explicit  statement  was  Aramaic. 
The  text  published  by  Dr.  Neubauer  differs,  however,  in  most  of  the 
peculiar  incidents  characteristic  of  the  version  of  Jerome,  and  must 
therefore  be  considered  merely  as  a  faint  reflex,  or  as  a  later  modifi- 
cation of  the  ancient  and  more  elaborate  version.  This  shorter 
version  had  been  incorporated  into  a  collection  of  homiletical 
interpretations  of  the  Pentateuch,  and  has  suffered  in  consequence. 
This  is  probably  the  reason  for  the  abridgement.  As  we  shall  see 
later  on,  this  text  has  a  history  of  its  own,  and  by  means  of  undoubted 
evidence  it  can  be  proved  that  it  had  suffered  curtailment  and  other 
changes,  in  consequence  of  that  connection  with  the  Liturgy.  The 
Hebrew  text  H.M.  is  considered  to  be  a  translation  from  an  older 
and  more  complete  Aramaic  text,  but  it  differs  also  in  many,  if  not 
in  most  of  the  essential  points,  from  the  version  of  Jerome. 

Before  proceeding  further  I  will  point  out  the  most  important 
differences  between  Jerome  and  the  Greek  text  of  the  LXX  (A). 
Gr.  reads  Tobit  whilst  Jer.  reads  Tobias.  According  to  Gr.  Tobit 
was  purveyor  to  the  king  (I,  13) ;  Jer.  he  has  leave  to  go  whither- 
soever he  would  (I,  14).  Gr.  (I,  19)  TohxX.  flees  alone;  Jer.  (I,  23)^ 
he  flees  with  his  wife  and  child.  Gr.  (H,  10)  sparrows  blind  him  ;. 
Jer.  swallow.  Gr.  (HI,  10)  Sara  wishes  to  stratigle  herself;  Jer. 
she  fasts  three  days.  Gr.  (IX,  2)  the  angel  Raphael  starts  for  Rages 
with  otily  one  slave ;  Jer.  •^\'Ci\  four.  Gr.  (XI,  14-19)  Sara  comes 
to  Nineveh  the  same  day  as  Tobias ;  Jer.  (XI,  14-19)  after  seven 
days. 

211  Q    2 


]S^ov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.TiOLOGY.  [1896. 

The  dog  plays  a  very  inferior  part  in  Jerome,  and  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  it  is  a  later  interpolation  (XI,  9).  The  three  nights  of 
continence  are  also  peculiar  to  Jerome,  not  a  trace  of  it  in  the 
Greek.  Many  passages  that  are  in  the  Greek  are  missing  in  Jerome. 
Thus  tliere  is  not  a  trace  in  Jerome  of  Tobit  being  maintained  by 
Achiacharos  during  his  blindness  (II,  10),  nor  of  the  doctors 
attempting  to  cure  him  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  not  a  trace  can 
be  found  in  the  Greek  of  the  parallel  to  Job  (Jer.  II,  12-15).  The 
various  prayers  inserted  in  the  texts  are  different.  The  wife  of 
Reuel  is  called  by  Jerome  Hanna^  against  all  the  other  texts  where  she 
is  called  Edna.  One  could  easily  increase  the  number  of  variations, 
which  point  conclusively  to  a  text  different  in  many  essential  features 
from  that  of  the  LXX.  Only  here  and  there  does  the  other  text, 
B  C,  offer  parallels  to  Jerome.  The  Aramaic  text  agrees  with 
Jerome  only  in  a  few  instances,  such  as  the  number  of  servants 
taken  by  the  angel,  the  position  occupied  by  Tobi  at  the  court  of 
Shahnanassar,  whilst  on  the  other  hand  it  differs  from  Jerome's 
text  in  almost  every  other  incident.  The  dog  is  not  mentioned 
at  all,  and  Aqiqar  appears  only  in  the  commencement  of  the 
tale.  Nothing  better  can  be  said  of  the  more  complete  text  H.M. 
In  it  there  are  a  few  other  additions  which  are  missing  in  the 
Aramaic  ;  H.M.  contains  some  of  the  same  moral  reflections  as 
Jerome,  and  leans  more  towards  the  Greek  B  C  than  towards  the 
Aramaic  (Ar.).  Another  version  which  belongs  to  this  cycle  is  the 
fragmentary  Syriac  from  VII,  11,  on.  But  this  is  still  more  remote 
from  Jerome  and  from  the  other  Aramaic  text,  as  well  as  from  the 
Greek  versions  in  the  form  in  which  we  have  them.  I  will  mention 
only  one  or  two  points  which  Syr.  II  has,  contrary  to  all  the  rest.  In 
XI,  13,  the  friends  bring  presents  after  the  wedding.  Tobias  prays 
(VII,  8)  for  children.  The  angel  does  not  say,  as  in  the  Greek 
(XII,  12),  that  he  had  brought  the  prayers  before  God,  nor  that  he 
presents  the  prayers  of  the  saints  (XII,  15).  On  the  other  hand  Syr.  II 
calls  the  father  Tobi  \  his  friend  Aqiqar;  the  wife  of  Reuel  Edna,  the 
man  to  whom  Tobit  had  lent  the  money,  is  called  Gab.^el  (Jer.  Gabel). 

Enough  has  now  been  said  to  show  the  great  divergence  that 
exists  in  not  unimportant  portions  and  incidents  between  the  various 
texts  belonging  to  this  one  group.  Not  any  of  these  texts  can, 
therefore,  be  considered  as  the  probable  direct  source  for  the  others. 
Neither  the  Aramaic,  nor,  so  far,  the  Hebrew  Munsteri,  nor  the 
•Greek  B  C,   nor   the   Syriac,    though   they  have   many  points   in 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

common.  And  as  for  the  Itala,  and,  in  a  higher  degree,  for  Jerome,, 
the  resemblance  between  them  and  the  others  is  of  the  slenderest 
nature. 

What  we  are  in  search  of  is  to  find  a  single  text,  be  it  in  Aramaic 
or  in  Hebrew,  which  should  offer  the  same  characteristics  as  the 
version  of  Jerome,  without  being  a  translation  from  the  latter  ; 
having  also  its  own  points  of  divergence,  so  that  the  original 
character  of  that  text  should  be  established  beyond  doubt  or  cavil. 
At  the  same  time  it  must  have  points  in  common  with  one  or  the 
other  Greek  text. 

I  think,  now,  that  I  have  discovered  such  an  ideal  text,  which 
comes  up  to  all  the  requirements  of  the  case.  It  is  a  Hebrew  text 
copied,  latest  in  the  13th  century,  from  an  older  MS.  which,  if  my 
conjecture  is  correct,  belonged  to  the  nth  century.  In  its  turn, 
it  may  be,  and  in  every  probability  was  a  copy  of  the  original 
text.  The  MS.  in  the  British  Museum  Add.  11639  is  one  of  the 
finest  specimens  of  mediaeval  calligraphy ;  it  is  of  the  choicest  pen- 
manship imaginable,  and  is  placed  among  the  Select  on  account 
of  its  artistic  merits,  being  full  of  admirable  illuminations  and 
drawings.  It  was  written  by  a  certain  Benjamin,  the  scribe,  on  very- 
thin  and  perfect  vellum.  The  larger  part  of  the  MS.  is  taken  up 
by  the  Pentateuch,  round  the  margin  of  which  portions  of  the  Hagio- 
grapha  are  written.  Then  follow  prayers,  poetical  and  liturgical 
compositions,  laws,  regulations,  rules,  calendar,  and  many  other 
similar  compositions  and  texts.  Round  some  of  the  liturgical  poems, 
this  history  of  Tobit  is  written  by  the  same  hand  and  with  the  same 
care.  The  calendar  on  folio  563/.'  begins  with  the  moon-cycle  266, 
which  corresponds  to  the  year  5036,  i.e.,  1276,  probably  the  date  of 
the  writing.  On  folio  568(^,  however,  the  date  828  or  858  (=  4858) 
is  given,  which  is  probably  the  date  of  the  original,  and  corresponds 
to  the  year  1068  or  1098. 

The  legend  is  written  with  special  care  ;  in  a  few  places  cor- 
rections are  added  over  the  text,  and  in  one  instance  (III,  20),  not 
having  been  able  to  read  an  obliterated  or  erased  word,  the  scribe 
indicated  the  lacuna  by  dots,  and  did  not  try  to  correct  the  text. 
In  a  few  instances  he  did  not  distinguish  correctly  the  letters  of 
the  original ;  he  writes,  e.g.,  the  name  of  the  place  where  Tobit  and 
the  angel  went,  Dage,  instead  of  Rage.  The  mistake  points  to  the 
form  of  letters  in  which  that  original,  from  which  he  copied,  was 
written.     In  the  Spanish  and  the  old  Palestinian  cursive  writing  it 

213 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHylLOLOGY.  [1896. 

is  almost  impossible  to  distinguish  between  D  and  R.  I  must 
point  out,  however,  what  cannot  be  a  mere  coincidence,  that  in  an 
ancient  Hebrew  version  of  the  12th  century  of  the  longer  recension 
of  Judith  discovered  by  me,  the  town  (I,  5)  is  called  JDage,  instead 
oi  Ragau;  absolutely  identical  with  the  Tobit  text. 

The  text  is  divided  in  verses.  At  the  end  of  Chapter  VI  stands 
the  word  Half,  exactly  as  it  is  customary  with  sacred  texts.  As  our 
text  is  apparently  not  complete  at  the  end,  this  division  could  not  be 
the  work  of  the  copyist,  but  he  must  have  found  it  already  in  his 
original.  I  point  out  all  these  minute  details,  as  it  is  necessary  to 
convince  ourselves  of  the  fact,  that  we  have  in  our  MS.  a  copy  of  a 
more  ancient  text,  and  not  a  production  of  the  13th  century.  The 
contents  of  this  new  version  which,  for  brevity's  sake,  I  will  call  H.L. 
{Hebrew  London),  had  so  thoroughly  surprised  me,  that  I  had  to  con- 
vince myself  by  the  examination  of  all  the  details,  and  by  a  careful 
comparison  with  the  known  versions,  and  more  especially  with 
Jerome's,  that  we  have  here  a  really  genuine,  independent  and  thus 
very  important  version  ;  and  not  merely  a  translation  or  slight  adap- 
tation of  one  of  the  known  versions.  For  to  state  it  briefly,  we  have 
here,  if  not  the  very  original  of  Jerome's  text,  at  least  a  version 
which  comes  nearer  to  that  ancient  version  than  any  other,  and  may 
be  the  old  original.  All  the  peculiar  incidents  which  distinguish  that 
text  occur  also  in  this  Hebrew  version.  The  similarity  is  so  great, 
that  at  the  first  glance,  one  appears  to  be  the  direct  translation 
of  the  other.  On  more  minute  examination  we  find,  however,  a 
number  of  variants,  great  and  important  enough  to  secure  the 
independence  of  the  Hebrew  from  the  Latin,  but  not  so  easily 
vice  versa.  The  Hebrew  text  is  in  some  parts  more  enlarged, 
and  in  others  shorter  than  Jerome.  It  is  characteristic  that  both 
the  dog  and  every  mention  of  Aqiqar  as  well  as  of  Nadan  or  Laban 
is  missing  in  H.L.  The  latter  part  of  the  XII Ith  and  of  the  XlVth 
chapter  are  also  wanting.  The  prayers  are  mostly  different,  and 
greatly  resemble  the  prayers  of  che  Hebrew  liturgy.  The  language 
is  modelled  after  that  of  the  Bible,  the  phraseology  of  which  is  closely 
imitated,  and  is,  in  skill  and  expression,  vastly  superior  to  that  of 
H.M.  and  H.F.,  both  of  which  betray  the  influence  of  the  rabbinical 
terminology.  The  author  of  H.L.  had  the  Bible  at  his  fingers'  ends. 
At  the  same  time,  there  occur  at  least  two  direct  parallels  to  formulas 
of  the  liturgy  (VIII,  5,  6;  XIII,  11),  and  numerous  other  reminis- 
cences.    But  as  these  were  known  already  in  the  time  of  the  Talmud 

214 


Nov.  3]  TROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

and  probably  in  that  of  the  Mishna,  they  are  of  comparatively 
great  antiquity.  A  few  might  be  interpolations  made  by  the  first 
copyist.  The  language  seems  in  some  passages  rather  forced  and 
somewhat  artificial. 

And  yet  by  a  close  examination  we  convince  ourselves  that  it  is 
to  a  great  extent  the  language  of  the  prayers  formulated  at  the  time 
of  the  Second  Temple,  and  what  is  more  important,  that  this 
peculiar  form  of  biblical  and  postbiblical  language  is  shared  by  the 
recently  discovered  fragments  of  Ecclesiasticus  and  also  of  other 
Hebrew  apocryphal  texts  such  as  the  Testament  of  Naftali  and  the 
History  of  Judith  in  the  version  to  which  I  have  referred  above. 
This  language  resembles  more  that  of  the  last  writers  in  the  Bible, 
such  as  Ezra  and  Nehemia,  as  well  as  Daniel,  in  spite  of  the  frequent 
use  of  other  more  archaic  forms  borrowed  from  older  texts.  There 
are  also  a  few  peculiarities,  which  I  point  out  at  the  end  of  this 
publication,  that  show  the  transition  from  the  language  of  the  Bible 
to  the  so-called  New-Hebrew.  We  may  therefore  safely  see  in  this 
text  the  oldest  ?-eflex  of  the  very  original  from  which  all  the  rest  has 
flown.  That  it  should  have  been  translated  at  a  very  early  period 
into  the  vernacular  (Aramaic)  is  not  at  all  surprising,  and  being 
excluded  from  the  Canon,  the  Hebrew  original  soon  disappeared. 
For  this  reason  Jerome  speaks  only  of  the  Aramaic,  which  must 
henceforth  be  considered  as  one  of  the  versions  and  not  as  the  original. 

One  can  also  not  easily  set  aside  the  argument  of  Prof.  Graetz 
{Monaischrift,  1879  p.  145  ff.),  according  to  which  the  "Aramaic" 
of  Jerome  may  mean  the  Hebrew  language  of  the  postbiblical  time 
in  distinction  of  that  of  the  Bible.  Jerome  had  no  name  for  this 
development  of  Hebrew,  and  as  some  Aramaic  words  had  been 
admitted  into  this  language,  not  having  a  better  to  designate  it,  he 
called  it  pure  and  simple  Aramaic.  Graetz  has  pointed  out  many 
mistakes  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  translations,  which  can  only  be 
explained  as  misunderstandings  of  a  purely  Hebrew  text.  True, 
against  this  view  stand  the  explicit  words  of  Jerome,  that  the 
original  of  Tobit  had  to  be  translated  to  him  into  Hebrew. 
The  language  of  this  newly  discovered  text  is,  however,  so  much 
akin  to  bibilical  Hebrew,  that  if  we  believe  this  to  have  been  the 
source  of  Jerome,  it  is  somewhat  difficult  to  explain  the  necessity  for 
another  translator.  Jerome  could  have  easily  mastered  the  text 
without  any  further  assistance  from  a  Jew.  But  he  may  have  had  the 
Aramaic  version  of  this  text. 

215 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

If  H.L.  should  be  a  translation  from  another  language,  and  in 
this  case  Aramaic  is  the  nearest  to  be  thought  of,  then  the  translator 
has  disguised  his  dependence  upon  another  text  so  skilfully  that 
it  cannot  be  detected.  The  deep-going  differences  from  the  Greek 
versions  exclude  these  from  our  purview,  and  the  frequent  discre- 
])ancies  between  this  text  and  Jerome's,  make  it  equally  impossible 
to  look  upon  the  latter  as  a  possible  source  from  which  the  Hebrew 
might  have  been  translated.  There  are  so  many  obscure  passages  in 
the  Latin  and  Greek  versions  which  are  now  satisfactorily  explained 
through  this  text,  that  they  warrant  the  assumption  that  we  have  in 
our  text,  thus  far,  not  a  translation,  but  the  oldest  and  best  Semitic 
form  of  that  original,  from  which  Jerome  made  his  translation, 
and  to  which  B.C.  refer,  though  indirectly.  Quite  peculiar  to  this 
text  is  the  fact,  that  the  author  introduces  the  three  friends  of  Job, 
who  come  and  speak  to  Tobit,  in  the  same  manner  in  which  they  spoke 
to  Job.  The  author  must  have  thought  these  two  to  have  been 
contemporaries,  both  living  in  the  time  of  the  first  Assyrian  conquest 
of  Palestine.  He  alone  avoids  the  confusion  between  the  various 
forms  of  tithes,  so  conspicuous  in  all  the  other  versions.  He  alone 
gives  a  correct  reason  for  the  sleeping  of  Tobit  outside  the  house  and 
being  blinded  by  it.  There  is  no  trace  of  the  agnate-marriage  of 
which  so  much  has  been  made  by  Rosenmann*  and  others.  The 
men  die  in  the  first  night  only  because  they  are  not  those  who 
were  appointed  by  God  to  be  wedded  to  Sarah.  We  find  here 
the  explanation  of  the  mysterious  passage  in  Jerome  (vi,  20= 
Hebrew  vi,  15),  "In  the  second  night  thou  shalt  be  admitted  in 
the  society  of  the  holy  patriarchs."  The  Hebrew  has,  "  on  the  first 
night,  remember  the  name  of  the  holy  patriarchs,"  which  is  in 
strict  accordance  with  the  Hebrew  formulas  of  prayers,  in  which 
mention  in  the  first  instance  is  made  of  the  names  of  the  patriarchs, 
and  their  intercession  is  invoked  on  behalf  of  the  one  who  prays  to 
obtain  grace  from  God.  The  prayers  uttered  by  Tobit  and  Sarah 
are  the  outcome  of  that  very  injunction.  Both  appeal  to  the  history 
of  the  patriarchs,  and  add  :  as  God  had  heard  their  prayers,  so  may 
He  listen  to  the  prayers  of  these  two  youths.  An  ancient  analogy 
is  to  be  found  in  the  liturgy  of  the  fast  day  as  prescribed  in  the 
Mishna  (Taanilh,  cli.  ii).  There  are  besides  other  numerous 
analogies  to  the  forms  of  the  ancient  Hebrew  liturgy  in   this  version 

*  Sludicn  zum  Buche  Tobit  :  Berlin,  1S94. 
216 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

of  Tobit,  which  if  they  are  due  to  the  author,  and  are  not  later 
interpolations  and  amplifications,  might  assist  to  fix  the  date  of  this 
composition.  As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  all  these 
allusions  and  parallels  are  found  also  in  the  Talmud,  and  in  those 
prayers  which  form  the  basis  of  the  Hebrew  service,  and  are  not  later 
than  the  last  century  before  the  common  era.  The  author  know^s, 
however,  also  the  conclusion  of  the  Amidah  (the  "Acathiston"  of 
the  Greek  Church),  to  be  Ps.  xix,  v.  15  (viii,  12),  which  may  be 
much  older  than  it  has  hitherto  been  assumed.  The  formula  of 
betrothal  (iii,  5-7)  is  more  archaic  than  that  of  the  actual  liturgy, 
and  on  the  other  hand  there  is  a  poem  connected  with  it  (V.  8) 
which  is  an  alphabtetical  acrostic,  and  has  been  retained  in  a 
fragmentary  form  in  the  German  liturgy.  As  it  resembles  similar 
hymns  in  the  Hechaloth  of  R.  Ishmael,  it  may  also  be  very  old. 
These  indications  do  not  allow  us  to  see  in  our  text  a  modern 
compilation  or  a  translation  made  in  comparatively  recent  times.  It 
reflects  much  more  the  time  when  the  liturgy  had  not  yet  been  fixed, 
and  much  latitude  was  given  to  the  individual.  The  form  of  these 
hymns  and  praises  remind  one  of  those  in  the  book  of  Judith,  the 
Song  of  the  Three  Children,  and  the  so  called  Psalms  of  Solomon, 
all  belonging  to  the  first  century  before  the  common  era. 

Minor  differences  between  this  text  and  Jerome's,  as  this 
alone  can  truly  be  compared  with  it,  I  need  not  mention  here. 
They  are  apparent  to  every  one  who  reads  the  translation  with 
the  variations  from  Jerome  which  I  have  added  thereunto. 

The  MS.,  as  I  remarked  above,  is  very  calligraphically  written  and 
with  some  care.  The  original  must  however  not  have  been  very 
correct,  as  in  many  instances  there  are  evident  lacunse  and  other 
mistakes,  with  which  I  should  not  like  to  charge  the  copyist,  as  he 
seems  to  have  done  his  work  with  care  and  circumspection,  noting 
what  he  believed  to  be  a  mistake,  and  omitting  to  write  those  letters 
which  he  probably  could  not  decipher. 

In  publishing  this  text  I  have  reproduced  it  exactly  as  it  stands 
in  the  MS.,  and  in  footnotes  I  have,  in  the  first  instance,  indicated 
the  biblical  passages  which  the  writer  or  translator  had  used  in  his 
work  ;  I  have  also  referred  to  the  passages  in  the  Talmud  which 
present  analogies  to  the  liturgical  portions,  and  I  have  inserted  in 
brackets  in  the  text  itself  all  the  corrections  and  emendations. 

Looking  now  upon  our  newly-recovered  Hebrew  text  in  the  light 
which  I  have  tried  to  throw  upon  it,  we  may  confidently  assert  that 

217 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILi:OLOGY.  [1896. 

we  have  here  undoubtedly  the  oldest  Semitic  text  extant— older 
than  Jerome  and  Vetus  Latin,  and  coming  nearest  to  the  lost 
Hebrew  original,  if  it  does  not  faithfully  represent  it.  I  am  not  pre- 
pared to  state  dogmatically  the  relation  in  which  this  text  stands  to 
the  Greek,  be  it  the  B-C  or  be  it  the  A  version.  It  is  evident  from 
the  comparison  that  B-C  comes  nearer  to  our  text,  but  there  are  so 
many  points  of  difference  even  between  B-C  and  H.L.  that  it  is 
exceedingly  difificult  to  say  with  any  certainty  whether  B-C  depends 
on  H.L.  or  is  independent  of  it.  There  are  also  a  few  points  of 
contact  between  H.L.  and  A,  although  more  scarce. 

In  apportioning  the  right  place  to  H.L.  in  the  history  of  the 
texts,  we  are  guided  by  the  same  considerations  which  must 
have  guided  Jerome  when  he  made  his  translation.  He  preferred 
the  text,  which  was  almost  identical  with  H.L.,  to  the  Greek.  He 
must  have  believed,  if  he  had  not  known  it  for  a  fact,  that  that  was 
the  original,  while  the  Greek,  in  whatever  recension,  was  an 
adaptation  and  a  revision  of  that  Semitic  text.  If  that  be  the  case, 
and  I  am  inclined  to  believe  it,  then  H.L.  will  be  the  oldest  and 
best  text,  and  of  the  Greek,  B-C  will  represent  the  older  version,  as 
Reusch  and  others  thought,  and  not  A,  as  has  been  asserted  by 
Fritzsche,  Noeldeke,  Schuerer,  and  others. 

I  publish  together  with  the  Hebrew  text  an  English  translation 
and  a  few  notes.  In  order  to  facilitate  research  I  have  divided  it  into 
chapters,  following  the  division  of  the  Greek  version,  and  have 
numbered  the  verses  according  to  the  division  I  found  in  the  MS.  I 
have  also  added  the  numbers  of  the  verses  according  to  A  and  to 
Jerome's  division.  As  H.L.  stands  in  the  closest  connection  with 
Jerome's  text,  I  print  in  square  brackets  []  those  portions  wherein 
H.L.  differs  from  Jerome's  text,  and  add  in  footnotes  the  variations 
and  the  verses  from  Jerome  missing  in  our  text.  The  numbers  of 
verses  as  added  in  round  brackets  are  those  of  Jerome's  version. 

I  pass  now  to  the  study  of  the  other  text,  no  less  interesting  than 
the  last,  but  from  another  point  of  view.  Whilst  H.L.  furnished  us 
a  link  upwards,  this  here  furnishes  a  link  downwards  in  the  history 
of  the  transmission  of  the  text  in  the  later  literature.  Dr.  Neubauer 
published  together  with  the  Aramaic  text  a  peculiar  legend  from 
the  Midras  Tanhuma,  the  first  half  of  which  contains  a  parallel 
to  the  incident  of  Sara  and  her  seven  husbands  who  died,  whilst 
Tobit  withstood  successfully  the  attack  of  the  demon,  whose  place 
is  taken  in  this  legend  by  the  angel  of  death.      The  second  half 

218 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

belongs  to  a  different  cycle  of  legends  of  which  the  oldest  and  most 
•complete  version  is  found  in  my  MS.  No.  82,  fol.  100a,  No.  130 
(cf.  Jellinek,  BetJi-hamidrasch  V,  152-154  and  I,  p.  83-84).  That 
legend  was  added  to  the  Tanhuma  by  the  editor  of  the  Mantua 
edition,  who  indicates  as  his  source  the  same  work  as  that  given  for 
the  Aramaic  version  of  Dr.  Neubauer,  viz.,  the  Midrash  Rabba  of 
R.  Moses  had  Darshan  (the  Preacher).  The  connection  between 
these  two  versions  is  however  very  slender.  There  are  many  inter- 
mediary links  missing,  which  should  explain  the  gradual  shrinking 
of  the  elaborate  tale  to  a  small  legend.  Joseph  Zabara,  who  lived 
about  the  year  1200,  and  who  wrote  his  "Book  cf  Delight"  in 
Barcelona  or  Narbonne,  introduces  among  other  tales  a  peculiar 
version  of  the  Tobit-legend  (translated  into  English  along  with  the 
other  tales  by  Mr.  I.  Abrahams,  in  The  Jeivish  Quarterly  Review,  VI, 
1894,  pp.  522-524).  This  version,  reprinted  by  Hugin  in 
D*'!11I2  D'^liJ'i^^  Bagdad,  1890,  fol.  da-Zb,  is  almost  a  perversion  of 
the  legend.  The  only  point  of  interest  is  that  only  three  persons  are 
mentioned  in  connection  with  Sara  instead  of  seven,  and  in  this 
number  the  Tanhuma  agrees  with  Zabara.  Not  from  this  source 
however  did  the  legend  come  into  the  Midrash,  but,  as  we  have 
seen,  from  the  Midrash  of  Moses  the  preacher.  I  have  discovered  now 
the  exact  counterpart  in  Hebrew  to  the  Aramaic  text  of  Dr.  Neubauer, 
and  what  is  more,  have  found  it  also  in  a  collection  of  homiletic 
interpretations  of  the  Pentateuch.  The  MS.  is  private  property, 
and  I  was  allowed  many  years  ago  to  take  a  complete  copy  of  this 
Midrash.  It  was  then  already  half  deteriorated  by  age  and  damp- 
ness and  portions  of  the  leaves  were  crumbling  away  at  the  slightest 
touch.  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  we  may  consider  the  original 
MS.  as  lost  since.  Happily  I  have  a  complete  copy  of  the  whole  work. 
The  original  was  written  in  a  Spanish  hand,  and  belonged  in  all 
probability  to  the  15th  century,  if  not  earlier.  The  character  of  this 
Midrash  is  very  much  like  that  published  by  Buber  in  1894  under  the 
title  "Agadischer  Commentar  zum  Pentateuch."  My  MS.  (I  may  now 
call  it  my  MS.,  the  other  being  as  good  as  lost)  seems  to  represent 
an  older  and  more  complete  text,  as  it  also  contains  homilies  to 
the  Haphtaroth  and  to  the  various  festivals,  which  are  not  to  be 
found  in  that  edited  by  Buber.  In  the  contents  there  are  also 
marked  differences,  but  still  both  texts  belong  to  one  and  the  same 
group,  having  many  points  in  common.  In  this  MS.  (Codex  Or. 
Gaster  28),   we  find  a  homily  for   the  second  day  of   Pentecost, 

219 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

the  first  part  of  which  is  a  literal  translation  of  the  Aramaic  text, 
but  very  much  shortened  towards  the  end.  The  greatest  stress  is 
laid  on  the  giving  of  tithes,  and  the  history  of  Tobit  is  adduced  as 
an  example  of  the  grace  of  God  bestowed  on  the  man  who  fulfils 
faithfully  the  duty  of  paying  his  tithes.  The  lesson  for  the  second 
day  of  Pentecost  commences  with  the  verse,  Deut.  xiv,  22,  "Thou 
shalt  surely  tithe  all  the  increase  of  thy  seed,  that  which  cometh 
forth  of  the  field  year  by  year."  The  same  words  stand  at  the  head 
of  the  Aramaic  text  and  of  the  Hebrew.  Here  the  introduction  is 
more  spun  out  than  in  the  Aramaic  text,  which  is  merely  an  abridged 
copy  of  the  original.  Through  this  official  connection  with  the 
liturgy  one  understands  the  reason  why  in  the  Aramaic  and  in  this 
Hebrew  version,  which  I  will  call  H.G.  (Hebrew  Gaster),  and  in  Ar. 
mention  is  made  (H,  i)  of  the  feast  of  Pentecost.  Jerome  and 
H.L.  have  merely  a  feast  of  the  Lord.  It  may  just  as  well  be,  that 
because  this  feast  is  mentioned  in  the  legend  the  legend  itself  was 
brought  in  connection  with  the  lesson  of  that  day. 

Now  H.G.  follows  Aramaic  as  closely  as  possible,  though  leaving 
out  the  greater  part  of  the  legend ;  all  the  minor  incidents  and 
almost  all  the  prayers  are  missing,  so  that  the  whole  book  is  reduced 
to  a  comparatively  short  tale.  But  whatever  there  is  left,  is  a  literal 
translation  which  sometimes  forces  the  character  of  the  Hebrew. 
Thus  it  proves  also  the  fact  that  Aramaic  texts  were  translated  into 
Hebrew  at  a  later  period,  and  that  the  legend  of  Tobit  enjoyed  a 
great  reputation,  and  was  preserved  mainly  through  its  connection 
with  the  liturgy.  H.L.  is  also  included  in  a  volume  containing  all 
those  books  and  poems  which  are  usually  associated  with  the  prayer- 
book  and  synagogue  service.  Through  this  connection  one  under- 
stands the  reason  for  its  continual  dwindling  in  size.  It  served  as 
an  illustration  of  the  teaching  of  the  Law,  and  was  treated  as  such. 

By  comparing  H.G.  with  the  Aramaic,  we  shall  find  that 
among  other  things  omitted  in  both  is  that  peculiar  legend  of  the 
intended  sacrifice  of  the  two  sons  of  Sennacherib,  mentioned  in 
H.M.,  chapter  I.  But  the  very  same  legend  occurs  in  my  MS.  (28)  in 
the  homily  preceding  that  of  the  Tobit  legend.  We  have  thus  an 
indication  of  the  probable  source  of  this  version  (H.M.).  It  was  in 
every  probability  taken  from  this  or  a  very  similar  collection  of 
homilies. 

The  minute  comparison  of  the  Aramaic  (Neub.)  with  H.G. 
(for  which  that  is  the  direct  original),  besides  being  interesting  as 

220 


Nov.  3]  ■    PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

illustrating  the  way  how  the  abridgement  was  effected,  is  also  of 
value  for  critical  purposes.  One  point  is  especially  important. 
When  Tobi  deposits  the  money  with  Gabael  he  received  from  him, 
according  to  the  Greek,  a  ]ia)idwriting  (v,  3)  or  a  7iote  of  hafid,  so 
also  Itala  and  Jer.  H.  L.  has,  a  token  (iv,  10),  Ar.  and  H.M.  have 
instead  a  bag,  which  to  say  the  least,  is  very  incongruous.  In  H.G. 
we  have  a  ring  as  a  token,  which  seems  to  be  superior  to  all  the  rest. 
With  a  slight  alteration  one  could  amend  the  word  nnH^b^,  bag, 
of  H.M.,  into  n?2nn,  which  means  a  seal.  This  would  imply  that 
the  Aramaic  is  a!  translation  from  the  corrupted  Hebrew  text  and 
not  vice  versa.  But  one  example  alone  would  not  suffice  to 
determine  definitely  the  position  in  which  those  texts  stand 
to  one  another.  Without  pursuing,  therefore,  this  question  any 
further,  I  limit  myself  merely  to  pointing  it  out.  Many  other  similar 
contributions  to  the  criticism  of  the  text  are  to  be  found  in  this 
Hebrew  version,  for  which  reason  I  publish  this  also,  and  add  an 
English  translation  to  it.  I  have  divided  it  into  chapters  according 
to  the  Aramaic  and  Greek,  but  without  the  division  of  verses,  as  these 
chapters  are  very  small,  and  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  subdivide 
them  any  further. 

In  order  to  be  as  complete  as  possible,  I  will  mention  in  con- 
clusion another  text  of  the  Tobit  legend,  which  although  printed, 
has,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  escaped  the  notice 
of  every  bibliographer,  nor  have  I  been  able  to  find  another  copy 
in  any  library  but  my  own.  In  1851  there  appeared  in  Lemberg 
a  book  called  Osar  Haqqodesh,  which  gives  itself  out  to  be  a 
reprint  of  an  older  Amsterdam  edition.  I  have  not  been  able  to 
trace  it.  Perhaps  some  one  else  will  be  more  fortunate  in  that 
respect.  Now  this  litde  book  contains,  in  the  first  place,  our  Tobit 
legend  in  a  very  shortened  form.  The  text  is  divided  into  twelve 
chapters,  and  agrees  in  the  main,  as  far  as  the  plot  is  concerned,  with 
A.,  but  not  absolutely.  Without  being  a  literal  translation,  it  is  a 
more  faithful  reflex  of  A  than  H.F.  A  few  incidents  are  worth 
noticing,  such  as  the  correct  Hebrew  name  Ahmata  for  Egbatanis ; 
the  proper  translation  of  the  name  of  the  river,  as  Hideqel  instead  of 
Tigris,  though  Rage  is  spelt  Ragez,  and  Raguel  instead  of  Reuel. 
In  one  point,  this  text  agrees  with  H.L.  alone,  where  all  the  other 
versions  differ.  When  Sara  prays  in  the  anguish  of  her  soul,  she 
says  in  H.L.,  "I  know  that  thou  (oh  God)  hast  appointed  the 
right  man  to  be  my  husband,  and  if  it  be  Thy  will,  send  him  to  me." 

221 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

In  Jerome  we  have  a  faint  trace  of  it.  Sara  says  (in  III,  19), 
"because,  perhaps  thou  hast  kept  me  for  another  man."  In  this 
printed  edition  we  find  that  she  ahnost  expects  her  relative  to  be 
her  husband  but  he  would  certainly  shrink  from  marrying  a  woman 
who  would  thereby  cause  his  death,  and  she  prays  either  to  be 
healed  or  rather  to  die.  Nothing  of  this  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Greek  ;  there  are  also  a  few  other  incidents  similarly  independent 
of  the  Greek.  I  must  limit  myself  merely  to  point  these  out  and 
to  draw  the  attention  of  scholars  to  the  vast  material  in  Hebrew 
literature  which  has  hitherto  not  been  utilised  for  a  thorough  study 
of  the  Apocrypha. 

(Z<?  be  ccntinued.) 


Price  7s.  6d.     Only  a  Limited  Number  of  Copies  will  be  Printed. 


THE 


PALESTINIAN   SYRIAC  VERSION 

OF    THE 

HOLY  SCRIPTURES, 

FOUR    RECENTLY    DISCOVERED    PORTIONS 

(Together  with  verses  from  the  Psalms  and  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke). 


Edited,    in    Photographic    Facsimile,    from    a    Unique    MS.    in    the 

British  Museum,  with  a  Transcription,  Translation, 

Introduction,  Vocabulary,  and  Notes. 


REV.    G.    MARGOLIOUTH.    M.A., 

Assistant  hi  the  Department  of  Oriental  Printed  Books  and  MSS.  in  the 
British  Museum  :  formerly  Tyrwhitt  Hebre-w  Scholar. 


privately  printed  by  the 


SOCIETY    OF    BIBLICAL    ARCHEOLOGY, 
37,  Great   Russell  Street.   Bloomsbury.   London.    1896. 


\*   Subscribers'  A'atiies  to  be  Addressed  to  the  Secretary. 


Nov.   3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


MORE    FRAGMENTS    OF   THE    PALESTINIAN    SYRIAC 
VERSION   OF  THE   HOLY  SCRIPTURES. 

By  Rev.  G.  Margoliouth. 


Introduction. 

The  Manuscript. — The  four  Biblical  lessons  in  the  Palestinian 
Syriac  version  which  form  the  subject  of  the  present  publication 
are  taken  from  a  recently  acquired  MS.  of  the  British  Museum, 
bearing  the  designation  Or.  4951.  The  eleven  photographic  plates, 
which  embody  these  lessons  in  their  entirety,  represent  the  pages 
of  the  MS.  in  their  original  dimensions,  measuring  about  6|  in  by  5, 
with  mostly  15  lines  to  a  page.  There  are  7  quires  of  ten  leaves 
each.  The  style*''  of  writing,  though  smaller,  approaches  very 
nearly  to  that  of  PI.  XX  (representing  fol.  34a,  of  Add.  14,664),  in 
Vol.  Ill  of  Wright's  Catalogue  of  the  Syriac  MSS.  in  the  British 
Museum,  which  has  been  assigned  to  the  12th  or  13th  century. 

The  MS.  contains  a  series  of  Services  belonging  to  the  Malkite 
ritual,  written  in  the  Palestinian  Syriac  dialect,  the  rubrical  directions 
and  several  of  the  headings  being  in  Karshuni,  and  also  embodying 
prayers  and  liturgical  "formulae"  in  Greek  transcribed  into  the 
Syriac  character. 

It  begins  with  two  Services  for  the  consecration  of  a  Church, 
the  first  to  include  the  Holy  Table,  and  the  second  applying  to  the 
chancel  only.  Then  follows  a  series  of  three  Ordination  Services 
for  celibate  clergy  (i.  readers;  2.  deacons;  3.  priests).  Another 
series  of  Ordination  Services  (i.  readers;  2.  sub-deacons; 
3.  deacons ;  4.  priests),  occupies  the  latter  part  of  the  MS. 
Between  these  two  series  of  Offices  stands  a  hitherto  unknown 
Service,    which   I    have   designated   "The    Liturgy   of    the    Nile." 

*  For  some  further  remarks  on  the  style  of  writing,  etc.,  see  p.  2.^4. 
223 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

It  occupies   32   pages  of  the   MS.    (foil.   2  7a-42b),   and  bears   the 
following  heading : — 

♦  ^'^V^      ^\s\     ]«)QO)      ]>j050      I'rOjO     ]ci\y     G\l£UMCi 

I.e.,  "  In  the  name  of  the  P'ather,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  for  ever  and  ever,  do  we  write  the  Order  of  the  feast 
of  the  blessed  Nile,  [which  is  observed]  on  the  Sunday*  of  the  318 
fathers,  [and  also]  from  the  Sunday*  of  Pentecost  [and  onwards], 
and  after  the  completion  of  the  feast  of  St.  Mark*  the  Evangelist." 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  heading  that  the  Service  was  recited 
at  intervals  from  about  the  middle  of  May  to  near  the  end  of 
September,  thus  covering  a  longer  period  of  time  than  is  usually 
assigned  to  the  gradual  increase  of  the  Nile  water  in  Lower  Egypt. 

T/ie  Lessons  contained  in  The  Nile  Service. — The  lessons  contained 
in  this  Service  were  clearly  chosen  on  account  of  their  distinct 
bearing  on  a  Service  which  had  the  rising  of  the  Nile  waters  for 
their  object.  In  Gen.  ii,  4-19,  is  an  account  of  the  rivers  of 
Paradise,  with  one  of  which,  namely  Gihon,  the  Nile  is  identified ; 
in  2  Kings  ii,  19-22,  the  healing  of  the  water  by  Elisha  is  related; 
Amos  ix,  5-14^  contains  an  express  reference  to  the  Nile;  and 
Acts  xvi,  16-34  was  no  doubt  chosen  on  account  of  the  baptism  of 
the  Philippian  jailer,  with  which  the  passage  ends.  A  fifth  lesson, 
namely  St.  Matthew  xiv,  22-34  (containing  the  account  of  Jesus 
walking  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee),  which  was  also  read,  is  not  written 
out  in  the  MS.,  but  is  indicated  by  a  reference  to  the  Palestinian 
Syriac  Gospel  Lectionary  (edited  by  Miniscalchi  Erizzo  and 
Lagarde),  this  lesson  being  identical  with  that  of  the  ninth  Sunday 
after  Pentecost. 

*  The  Sunday  of  Pentecost  (Whitsunday)  coincides  this  year  (1S96)  with  the 
Latin  date  of  the  same  festival  (May  12,  Gr.  Cal.  =  May  24,  Lat.  Cal.).  The 
Sunday  of  the  318  Nicene  Fathers  is  the  one  which  immediately  precedes 
Whitsunday.  The  feast  of  St.  Mark  the  Evangelist  was  celebrated  on  Sept.  23 
in  ancient  times  at  Alexandria.  For  fuller  information  on  this  point,  as  also  on 
other  matters  connected  with  the  Nile  Service,  see  "  The  Liturgy  of  the  Nile" 
(David  Nutt). 

224 


Nov.   3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

The  Photographic  Plates. — The  eleven  plates  contained  in  this 
publication  embody  some  small  portions  of  the  Liturgy  besides 
the  lessons  themselves,  and  it  will  be  serviceable  to  give  a  brief 
description  of  each  : — 

PI.  I  (fol.  30^?),  begins  with  the  conclusion  of  a  short  hymn 
(|a;i25Q^  =  T/joTTrt'/J'oi'),  which  contains  a  summary  of  Christ's 
manifestation  on  earth.  The  first  words  of  the  hymn  are  : 
Aa2«>  |Ld  ^QD  «^01  Z,Ji>jZ].  The  words  occupying  the  first  line 
of  fol.  30a,  together  wiih   the  first  word  of  the   second  line,  are  : 

:  »^Zoail.V  ^i»»nak?o  ^j'^i-Ak)  wioijj  :  \»^f^.     Then  follows 

the  liturgical  direction  for  the  first  lesson:  *(Z(n  i*^i  1  ^^k^^O 
];r)Ak3j  \\D  \La'^  ^  .  »V)n,  i.e.  (literally),  "  And  one  reads  the 
first  lesson,  that  which  is  read  from  Genesis."  The  lesson  itself 
(Gen.  ii,  4-19)  begins  with  the  fourth  line,  and  the  last  word  on 
the  page  is  piQlZfO,  in  v.  7. 

PI.  II  (fol.  30/^)  continues  the  same  lesson  up  to  the  end  of 
v.  12. 

PI.  Ill  (fol.  3irt')  contains  vv.  12-18,  together  with  the  first  two 
words  of  V.  rg. 

PI.  IV  (fol.  3i(^)  concludes  the  lesson  from  the  second  chapter 
of  Genesis,  and  aleo  contains  the  greater  part  of  2  Kings  ii,  19-22 
(the  page  closing  with  the  end  of  v.  21).  The  rubrical  direction 
between  the  two  lessons  (the  last  word  of  1.  5,  and  the  whole  of  1.  6), 
is  ]*^ALo>  ]Ld  lZna\V)>  :>:  )^Ad  ^,  ie.,  "That  which  is 
read  from  the  fourth  book  of  Kings."! 

PI.  V  (fol.  32^7)  concludes  the  second  lesson,  and  begins  the 
third  (Amos  ix,  5-14^'),  the  page  ending  with  the  first  two  words  of 
v.  8.  The  rubrical  direction  between  the  lessons  (last  word  of  1.  2 
and  the  whole  of  I.  3)  is  1;oALdj  |Ld  U-£U  ^'^^^  ^^  ♦  V»Aj^Z, 
i.e..,  "The  third,  that  which  is  read  from  the  Prophet  Amos." 

PI.  VI  (fol.  32/^)  continues  the  third  lesson,  the  last  word  being 
1 1 1 1 V),  in  v.  12. 

PI.  VII  (fol.  33(7)  concludes  the  third  lesson  and  begins  the 
fourth  (Acts  xvi,  16-34).     Between  the  two  lessons  (from  the  last 

*  |Z|Ql2.iJ  (comp.  Arabic  itAJ)  represents  the  term  ai'«7?'W(iic  in  its 
liturgical  sense,  as  applying  properly  to  the  lessons  from  the  Old  Testament. 

+  IZqD^LD)  is  probably  a  plural  ((Zq^^SD)),  literally  of  "Kingdoms" 
(LXX  )3a(TiAK(I-/  ). 

225  R 


Nov.   3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLO(;V.  [1896. 

word  in  1.  7  to  the  second  word  in  the  fourth  hne  from  the  bottom) 
is  the  lollowing  : — 

/.£■.,  "  Finished  is  the  lesson  from  the  Propliets.*  Then  shall  be 
said  a  Psalm  in  the  third  t  tone.  T/ie  Lord  is  my  light  and  my 
redeemer,  wJu»ii  s/iall  I  fear. \  Its  response:  The  Lord  protects  my 
life,  of  whom  shall  L  i^e  afraid.  Then  is  recited  that  which  is  read 
from  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles." 

The  page  ends  with  the  word  PsDQCQOj,  in  v.  16. 

PI.  VIII  (fol.  T,T,/>)  continues  the  lesson  up  to  fal^lQ  ^^^019 
in  V.  20. 

PI.  IX  (fol.  34rt)  continues  the  same,  ending  with  the  first  clause 
of  V.  26. 

PI.  X  (fol.  34/')  carries  the  lesson  on  to  |>x^Zo,  near  the  end  of 
V.  31. 

PI.  XI  (fol.  T,yi)  concludes  the  lesson  from  the  Acts  (end  :  last 
word  but  one  in  1.  8),  and  continues  as  follows  : — 

:  ^9a^j    :  ^-lId   §AjALdZ1    VpLoj    oijou    :  ].nV  Am    v^o 
^k)   ail^   V^^o    :  aTru.£iL    .ooiZu    Aa.^cd]o    Zuoi]    cnSn^Z 
fijOi  ^cdoASd  ^^  \1qd1A!^  ,**.^  'i^^l    :  ^qdoASdj   oi>Q£Di;j 

I.e.,  "  And  for  the  Allelujah  :  The  river  of  God  is  filled  with  water}\ 
Another,  Lts  ridges  hast  thou  watered,  and  increased  the  fruit  thereof.^ 
And  a  lesson  shall  be  read  from  the  Gospel  of  Matthew.     Look  for 

*    JjAa^OJ^  =  irpn(pr]Ttla. 

+  The  third  of  the  eight  tones  of  the  Greek  Church  is  0'  (see.  Neale,    7/.«: 
//o/}'  Eastern  CInircli,  General  Introduction,  p.  S30). 
X  Ps.  xxvii,  I. 
§  For  -  A<^;] 
II    I's.  Ixv,  \ob. 
1)    I's.  Ixv,   II. 

226 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

the  ninth  Sunday  after  Pentecost*  (from  Matthew).  And  when 
the  gospel  lesson  is  finished  shall  the  deacon  say  a  prayer;  and 
the  chief  priest  shall  say  this  [prayer]." 

The  Greek  Text  represented  by  the  Old  Testamciit  Lessons. — The 
Palestinian  Syriac  translation  of  Gen.  ii,  4-19,  2  Kings  ii,  19-22, 
and  Amos  ix,  5-14(1,  as  contained  in  the  Nile  Service,  was  clearly 
made  from  the  LXX,  but  to  the  question  as  to  what  special  recension 
of  the  LXX  the  Palestinian  version  represents  no  definite  answer 
can  as  yet  be  given,  the  following  remarks  being  the  only  ones  that 
can  at  present  be  made  : — 

Not  Luciati's  Text. — The  evidence  of  the  present  portions 
shows,  as  far  as  it  goes,  that  Lucian's  recension  of  the  LXX  was 
decidedly  not  the  one  from  which  the  Palestinian  translation  was 
made.  There  are  not  less  than  eight  clear  textual  criteria  to 
show  that  the  two  belong  to  two  different  categories  of  the  Greek 
version,  and  in  the  two  or  three  cases  in  which  the  Palestinian 
Syriac  appears  to  exhibit  an  approach  to  Lucian's  Greek  text,  the 
Peshitta  also  happens  to  agree  with  the  respective  readings,  and  the 
probability  is,  therefore,  very  strong  that  the  Palestinian  translator 
(or  translators  ?)  used  the  Peshitta  rather  than  Lucian  in  these 
points  of  agreement. 

Relation  to  the  Syro-Hexaplar. — There  appears  to  be  a  nearer 
approach  to  the  Syro-Hexaplar  in  a  number  of  passages  contained 
in  the  lessons  from  2  Kings  and  x\mos,  but  here  again  the  agreement 
between  these  two  versions  is  often  shared  by  the  Peshitta  as  well, 
and  there  are  besides  an  almost  equal  number  of  instances  in  which 
the  Palestinian  Syriac  differs  from  the  Syro-Hexaplar. 

Relation  to  Texts  Rep?-esented  by  AISS. — Much  less  certain, 
because  much  less  complete,  is  the  evidence  as  to  the  relation  of 
the  fragments  before  us  to  the  different  texts  of  the  LXX,  as 
represented  by  the  best  known  MSS.  To  say  that  there  are  two 
points  of  agreement  with  A  against  B,  and  two  other  points  in  which 
B  is  followed  against  A,  is  to  say  very  little  indeed,  and  the  gain  of 
adding  that  in  one  place  E  is  preferred  to  A  appears  also  a  rather 
slight  sort  of  help.  The  fact  is  that  the  whole  question  is  as  yet 
sub  judice,  and  that  no  definite  judgment  can  be  arrived  at 
without  a  very  considerable  amount  of  additional  evidence  both 

*  See  Min.  Erizzo,  Evangeliarium  Hierosolymitanum,  p.  143.  The  lesson 
comprises  St.  Matt,  xiv,  22-34. 

227  R    2 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCIL'EOLOGY.  [1896. 

on  the  Greek  text  itself  and  on  the  Palestinian  translation  based 
upon  it. 

Did  the  Palestinian  Translator  Consult  the  Hebre^v  Text  ? — The 
Old  Testament  portions  contained  in  the  Nile  Service  supply  no 
decisive  answer  to  the  question  as  to  whether  the  Palestinian 
translator  was  in  the  habit  of  consulting  the  Hebrew  text  in 
connection  with  his  task.  One  pretty  clear  indication*  of  such  an 
influence  is  found  in  Amos  ix,  13  (see  notes),  but  in  all  other 
instances  of  an  apparent  approach  between  the  Masoretic  text  and 
the  present  version,  the  Peshitta  is  also  found  to  agree  with 
the  respective  peculiar  reading,  and  there  is,  therefore,  a  strong 
inclination  to  assume  that  the  Peshitta  was  consulted  by  the 
Palestinian  translator  rather  than  the  Hebrew  text. 

The  Lesson  from  the  '■'■  Acts."- — Much  more  decisive  is  the  evidence 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  the  lesson  from  the  "  Acts  of  the 
Apostles"  has  assumed  its  Palestinian  Syriac  form.  Acts  xvi,  16-34, 
as  contained  in  the  Nile  Service,  is  in  fact  merely  an  adaptation 
from  the  Peshitta,  and  can  lay  no  claim  at  all  to  rank  as  an 
independent  translation  from  the  Greek  text.  In  the  textual  notes 
on  this  lesson  some  of  the  more  striking  agreements  with  the 
Peshitta  will  be  noted.  But  it  will  be  useful  to  print  in  this  place 
a  specimen  of  the  Palestinian  Syriac,  the  Peshitta,  and  the 
Harklensian  version  in  three  parallel  columns,  as  this  is  no  doubt 
the  best  way  of  gaining  a  clear  comparative  insight  into  the  three 
Syriac  presentations  of  the  same  passage.  For  this  purpose 
vv.  19-24  may  be  selected  as  being  sufficiently  striking  for  purposes 
of  comparison. 

*  Another  such  indication  appears  to  lie  before  us  in  Ps.  Ixv,  11  (see  p.  232). 


228 


Nov.  3] 


PROCEEDINGS. 


[1896. 


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230 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

The  verses  from  other  parts  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  which  are 
contained  in  the  "  Liturgy  of  the  Nile,"  are  Ps.  xxvii,  i ;  Ps.  xxix,  3 ; 
Ps.  li,  17  ;  Ps.  Ixv,  10^-14;  Ps.  Ixxi,  8  ;  St.  Luke  ii,  14. 

It  will  be  best  to  place  the  Greek  from  the  LXX  *  and  the 
Gospel  of  St.  Luke  respectively  by  the  side  of  the  Palestinian 
Syriac  translations,  and  to  add  textual  remarks  where  such  appear 
necessary. 

(i.)   Ps.  xxvii.  I  (  =  LXX,  Ps.  xxvi,  i)  :— 

Kr/)<09    (pwTiaii6>!     uov     Kfii      (Tit'Tij/j     fiov,     ri'i'a    (pofSijOijffo/nui  •     Kvpio^ 
VTrefjciaTriffjijf  rij'j  ^a'/ys-  /noi'.  uvro  rii'O'i  ceiXinaw. 

■  .1 .  ..tVnn  —  Km  awrijp  fiov,  the  Masoretic  text  having  the 
abstract  "'^^U^'^'l  "  and  my  help,"  or  "  salvation."  The  rendering 
_^JiD  (protects),    does    not,    however,    answers   exactly  either   to 

vTre/JiiffTrta-tji  or  tO  f Ij^t^  • 

(2.)   Ps.  xxix,  3  (  =  LXX,  Ps.  xxviii,  3)  :^ 

^lovrj    Kvpi'ov    erri    tuw    vcc'nici',   o    6eo9    T/y?    c6^ij9    t/Sp6i'T)j(Tei',    Ki'piov 
eTTi    v^arwi'    ttoWwi'. 

Both  LXX  and  Palestinian  Syriac  agree  with  the  Masoretic  text 
of  this  verse. 

(3.)  Ps.  li,  i7(  =  LXX,  Ps.  1,  17):- 

Kvp(€.    TO.     X^'"^'/     /*""     "''O'fc'S      '»""<     TO      (T-6fin     fioi'     ai'(i-/'j€\ei.     -']>' 


uiveaiv  aov. 


The  Palestinian  Syriac  rendering  L^LZi  l\  "Thou  hast  opened," 
and  Ij/^Ld  "  relatest,"  is  at  variance  with  both  M.  and  LXX,  the  two 
Imperfects  of  the  former  being  rendered  by  the  Future  in  the  latter. 
It  is  not  hkely  that  )jAk5  is  a  deliberate  participial  representation  of 
the  Hebrew  Imperfect  used  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  continuous 
action. 

*  The  LXX  passages  are  here  quoted  from  Swete's  edition. 
231 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILliOLOCV.  [1896. 

(4.)  Ps.  Ixv,  iO(r-i4  (  =  LXX,  Ps.  Ixiv,  io/>-i4): — 

w»ai   ^P?   ]jo]lD   2jAl   :  ,_jkiD   *  n  i \v>2l   loilLj    oijcru 
Usil  ^  :  0Tpj.2i!^  .oqiAj  Aa^^qdIo  Auoj]  aiSiAZ    :  »^joAi 

»j2qSQa£Q05  1A*>  ]1a^  21   >»*r^^    :]»^^k)0   ]vnrr> '-.AVi  ^oi 

^)1  Gio  ^\flu2  <*  ^Aj.^k)QA  ^xlDQA  .qILoAa  >^;«iV>0 
tUVfLDj    .OOlapJ    QAinl      :  l0r*J^    «0;£D]a    \J!Llo    ^>^^? 

'( )  — oT«/(09  ToT'  6>cot'  dTrXiiJJLvOij  vrmiL'i''  yToijuaacif  t1ji>  Tpoc^ijf  ainwi',  on 
oi'TWi  y  tiTOifiaaia  aov.  toi'?  avXnKWi  aln^<s  fxaOvaov^  ttXIjOvi'uv  tu  yeuij/tiaTa 
(tinTjV^  ev  Tai9  dra^oati'  fiiniji'  evfjijiavOijntnai  ai'mnWovan.  evXu'^/ijaei'}  rof 
ffTiifhai'oi'  TOO  evtainoTi  Tiy?  ■^^pijmoTijTO'i  aoi',  hdi  rn  Treria  aov  TrXtfffOij- 
nui'Tat  TrioriiTos-'  TriavOijacTai  ra  opi/  tijv  tzpij nor,  kiii  I'l^piXXittfTii'  oi  jiovt'oi 
TTipii^waovrat.  tveCvfTtwTo  oi  Kpioi  rtii'  TrpojidTici',  kch  al  KoiXaca 
■jrXnOi'vovai  anoi''  KCKpa^ovrai,  kcii  r-fap  vjiivyaouaii'. 

\iO}^  in  V.  10  =  Tin'  Tpo(p)]u  (Syr.  Hex.  and  Pesh.  tOOlAAQIjp^) ; 
uli-wf  is,  however,  left  untranslated.  The  rendering  *^joAl  (Syr. 
Hex.  s*.-^-*)  y^^^'L)  is  =  ?}  e-7oi/j.aaiu  aov.  In  these  two  words 
there  is  respectively  a  wide  divergence  from  n^J"?  and  PF'^^'^Dn  of 
tlie  Masoretic  text. 

The  Palestinian  Syriac  of  v.  1 1  is  clearly  based  on  the  LXX, 
thou'jh  it  is  free  in  the  usage  of  the  tenses  as  well  as  tlie  rendering 
mVr>\/  (singular  noun).  That  it  cannot  be  based  on  the  Hebrew 
text  will  be  seen  at  a  glance,  though  it  must  be  admitted  that 
tA*iD^SDO  appears  to  be  a  reminiscence  of  nPTTlDIJ-  The  Syro- 
Hexaplar  translation  corresponds  exactly  with  the  Greek : — 

V.  12  is  also  clearly  translated  from  the  LXX,  though  ^«  V)Q* 
,^  1 1 » V)Qj  (fatness  of  fatnesses)  is  used  instead  of  the  one  word 
TTiojijTO'i  (of  fatness).  The  LXX  translator  evidently  began  v.  1 2 
with  the  last  word  of  v.  11  as  it  stands  in  the  Masoretic  text,  and 
pronounced   ^jll1t2  il^lL*  rT^u^i^  f"^!]!-     It   is    noiineable    that 

*   Read  wi.LLd2]-  t   Kor  "JAj^^J. 


Nov.  3]  I'ROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

there  is  a  "Pasek,"*  or  dividing  accent,  after  nnO!?  in  the  Masoretic 
text,  and  it  wou'd,  therefore,  seem  that  the  division  of  the  verses  as 
adopted  in  the  LXX  had  some  support  in  ancient  Jewish  tradition. 

V.  13  is  remarkable  for  its  adaptation  to  the  nature  of  the 
Service  in  which  it  was  used,  "  may  the  land  of  Egypt  prosper  in 
it,"  being  used  instead  Tnai'Oi^treTai  tu  optf  t>/9  epy/nov,  which  was 
meant  vaguely  to  represent  the  Hebrew  13,"T?2  ilTb^^  TQi?"T'. 

V.  14  is  also  clearly  based  on  the  LXX,  as  is  shown  by  Q.^£Q^ 

=  TrXrjevvova-t,  the  Hebrew  being  IQt^i^''.  The  Palestinian  Syriac 
jZijLdj,  which  appears  to  stand  for  (Aj.1;^>,  is  free. 

(5.)  Ps.  Ixxi,  8  (=  LXX,  Ps.  Ixx,  8)  :  — 

7r\rjpio0)]rw  to  cnoua  /noi>  aivcffeicf,  uttws  v^ivijaw  riju  So^aw  aov, 
o\tft'  Tt]i'  ijf^ieftai'  Ti)i'  f^i(z^/(t\o7rpe—iau  aov. 

Clearly  a    translation    from   the   LXX,   though    somewhat    free, 

•.u.^^Z|  being  used  for  TrXijpwOijTw  (possibly,  however,  -  '^V'/] 
to  be  taken  as  n/'recafive  perfect). 

(6.)  St.  Luke  ii,  14)  : — 

Ao^«     61/     v\lriffTO(v     6eu-,     Kfii     iiri     fy/y?     elpiji'tj     iu     ai'Opwiroi'i     evdoki'av 

[cvf^oKia  being  the  alternative  reading). 

The  Palestinian  Syriac  translation  of  this  verse  betrays,  in  a 
rather  striking  way,  a  dependence  on  the  Harklensian  version  of  the 
New  Testament.  The  latter  has  |l.».£D*  Zo;a«  to  represent  the 
reading  evroKiu  of  the  original.  In  the  Palestinian  Syriac  Lectionary 
of  the  Gospels  Lo\ZlM  is  left  out,  evcoKia  being  there  represented  by 
(jQA,r^»  only,  and  in  the  rendering  before  us  |JQ^£D.  was  further 
altered  into  j^Q^i:}..     As  the  Palestinian  Syriac  translation  stands 

The  "  Pasek  "  has,  however,  been  noticed  to  serve  more  than  one  purpose 
in  the  Masoretic  text. 

t  MS.  yL^aaaly. 

I  aiA^Q^sZ  =  jA>jQn»Z,  the  Ol  being  often  used  instead  of  final  | 
in  the  MS. 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCII.EOLOGY.  [1896. 

now,  the  only  natural  meaning  yielded  by  it  is  "  Amongst  men  thy 
will  [be  done] ;"  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  we  here  merely 
have  a  curious  and  erroneous  development  of  a  word  representing 
the  Greek  cvcokki. 

*  *  *  *  * 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  five  short  passages  from  the  Psalms 
contribute  some  further  evidence  to  show  that  the  Palestinian  Syriac 
version  of  the  Old  Testament  was,  as  far  as  it  is  at  present  known 
to  have  existed,  based  on  the  LXX.  The  single  verse  from  the 
New  Testament,  on  the  other  hand,  shows  an  unmistakable  depen- 
dence on  the  Harklensian  version,  and  as  the  lesson  from  the  "  Acts 
of  the  Apostles  "  is  clearly  an  adaptation  of  the  Peshitta,  one  is 
driven  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Palestinian  Syriac  translators  were 
not  as  ready  to  prepare  original  translations  from  the  Greek  New 
Testament  as  from  the  Greek  version  of  the  Old  Testament. 

T/ie  Falceographical  Aspect  of  the  MS. — Some  further  remarks 
should  now  be  offered  on  the  palaeographical  aspect  of  the  Palestinian 
writing  used  in  the  present  MS.  The  letter  ''rish"  is,  with  very 
few  exceptions,  written  J*  (with  two  dots  instead  of  one),  and  the 
"  daleth  "  is,  as  a  rule,  not  distinguished  by  a  dot  below;  there  are 
no  diacritic  points  below  the  letters,  and  points  over  the  text  are 
merely  employed  in  the  following  cases  :  (i),  one  dot  over  the  letter 
L  to  mark  the  aspirate;  (2),  a  dot  often  placed  over  the  01  of  both 
the  third  person  suffix  masc.  and  fern.  sing.  ;  (3),  the  occasional 
distinction  of  the  plural  form  by  the  two  dots  known  as  "  seyame  " 
{e.g.,  ]Ji1LD0,  pi.  V,  1.  I  ;  ]i  i>j>,  PI.  II,  I.  6) ;  (4),  two  dots  over  the 
inverted  "  pe  "  (»C)  which  is  here  not  only  used  in  Greek,  but  also 
in  Syriac  words  {e.g.,  *j.c1  ;  PL  I,  1.  10  ;  ^.»^c2>,  PI.  \TII,  1.  10  ; 
(5),  sometimes  also  two  dots  over  the  letter  O  {e.g.  PI.  II,  1.  6). 

A  different  pronunciation  from  that  of  the  Edessene  dialect  is 

noticeable,   e.g.,  in  the  soft  pronunciation   of  the   L  in   (Zu^   (  = 

Jewish  Aramaic  i^fi''n),  ^QSu^  (after  Zlj)  (  =  ~'i::''n)-  'I"be  theory 
that  the  inverted  "  pe  "  (*0)  was  used  solely  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
tmguishing  the  Trfrom  the  0  appears  to  be  contradicted  by  the  employ- 
ment of  such  a  form  as  |AA_.Q-ikC(  (  —  cvXa-icin)  in  another  part  of 

*  It  is  well  known  that  there  was  a  double  pronunciation  of  the  "rish"  in 
Palestine  (see  J.  Derenbourg,  Manuel  du  Lecteur,  Journal  Asiatiqtie,  vol.  16, 
p.  446),  but  one  can  hardly  refer  the  occasional  use  of  )  (with  one  dot)  in  iliis 
MS.  to  a  diflerencc  of  pronunciation. 

234 


Nov.  3l  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

the  MS.,  and  an  unexpected  usage  of  the  same  letter  is  also  found  in 
)a-*.QC  (for  1l-»«Ci^;  see  PI.  X,  1,  11).  The  present  MS.  indeed 
deserves  a  thorough  study  from  a  palaeographical  point  of  view,* 
besides  the  interest  of  the  subject  matter  which  it  contains ;  and  the 
manner  of  transcribing  the  Greek  prayers,  and  liturgical  formulae, 
which  are  found  in  it,  also  deserves  investigation  (see  the  specimen 
contained  in  Liturgy  of  the  Nile,  PI.  II). 

Grnmmaiical  and  Lexical  Peculiarities. — The  evidence  which 
the  Biblical  fragments  before  us  afford  with  regard  to  the  gramma- 
tical and  lexical  peculiarities  of  the  Palestinian  Syriac  dialect  will 
be  found  further  on  in  the  "Notes  on  Palestinian  Words  and 
Phrases,"  and  the  vocabulary  at  the  end  contains  an  alphabetical 
list  of  the  more  important  linguistic  features  of  this  branch  of 
Semitic  speech,  which,  as  has  already  been  clearly  pointed  out  by 
others,!  exhibits  some  considerable  affinity  with  the  so-called 
Jerusalem  "  Targum,"  and  the  Samaritan  dialect,  without  being 
destitute  of  likeness  in  other  points  to  the  classical  language  which 
in  ancient  times  had  its  centre  in  the  schools  of  Edessa. 

The  Extant  Portions  of  the  Palestinian  Syriac  Literature. — A 
bibliography  of  the  "  Remains  of  the  Palestinian  Version  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,"  so  far  as  they  had  become  known  up  to  1893, 
was  given  by  the  Rev.  G.  H.  Gwilliam  in  "  Anecdota  Oxoniensia," 
Vol.  I,  Part  V,  Semitic  Series.  The  Biblical  portions  of  this 
version  contained  in  "  Biblical  and  Patristic  Relics  of  the  Palestinian 
Literature"  (Part  IX,  Vol.  I,  of  the  same  series)  published  in  1896, 
are  Exodus  xxviii,  \-\2a;  Wisdom  ix,  8^-x,  2  ;  3  Kings  ii,  \ob-\^a, 
and  ix,  4,  5^ ;  Job  xxii,  3^-12.  To  these  must  now  be  added  |  the 
fragments  contained  in  the  present  volume,  and  an  addition  to  the 
same  series  of  works  is  soon  to  be  made  by  the  publication  of  a 
Palestininian  Syriac  Lectionary  which  Prof.  Nestle  is  preparing  for 
the  Cambridge  University  Press. 

Of  the  hymnal  literature. §   which  must    have  been  very  faiiiy 

*  The  earlier  stages  of  Palestinian  Syriac  writing  are  exemplified  in  Plates 
XVIII  and  XIX,  published  in  Wright's  Catalogue ;  see  also  the  facsimiles 
given  in  Land's  "Anecdota  Syrica,"  Vol.  IV,  and  in  "Anecdota  Oxoniensia,"' 
Semitic  Series,  Vol.  I,  Parts  V  and  IX. 

t  See  «,?-.,  Noldeke,  Z.D.M.G.,  Vol.  XXII,  p.  513-599. 

X  An  edition  of  the  complete  text  of  the  Nile  Service  is  designed  to  appear 
simultaneously  with  the  present  publication. 

§  Two  "troparia"  or  short  hymns  are  contained  in  the  Nile  Service  alove 
referred  to. 

235 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILLOLOGY.  [1896. 

represented  in  the  Malkite  communities,  only  very  little  has  as  yet 
become  known.  It  will  all  be  found  on  pp.  111-113  in  Vol.  IV  of 
Land's  "Anecdota  Syriaca,"  the  codex  from  which  the  pieces  were 
copied  being  the  British  Museum  Add.  MS.  14,664.  Some 
fragments  of  "Acta  Sanctorum  "  and  of  Homilies,  both  taken  from 
St.  Petersburg  MSS.,  were  printed  in  the  same  volume  on  pp.  169- 
170  and  1 7 1-2 1 1  respectively.  Other  fragments  of  Homilies  are 
contained  in  the  latter  portion  of  "  Biblical  and  Patristic  Relics  of 
the  Palestinian  Syriac  Literature  "  already  referred  to. 

The  most  important  contributions  to  the  grammar  and  lexico- 
graphy of  the  dialect  that  have  as  yet  been  made  are  Noldeke's 
'•  Beitrage  zur  Kenntniss  der  Aramaischen  Dialecte  II  "  (Z.D.M.G., 
Vol.  22,  pp.  443-527),  and  F.  Schwally's  "  Idioticon  des  Christlich 
Palastinischen  Aramaeisch"  (Giessen,  1893);  and  besides  the  other 
authorities  mentioned  on  pp.  17,  18  in  Mr.  Gwilliam's  first  work 
on  the  subject  {vide  supra),  one  must  mention  the  late  Dean  Payne 
Smith's  "  Thesaurus  Syriacus,"  which  is,  in  fact,  also  a  "  Thesaurus  " 
of  the  Palestinian  Syriac  dialect. 

The  literature  of  the  dialect  is,  however,  now  showing  signs  of 
rapid  expansion.  Each  new  publication  is  bound  to  make  us 
acquainted  Avith  some  fresh  forms  and  idiomatic  peculiarities  of 
diction,  and  it  is  quite  likely  that  in  the  course  of  another  ten 
years  or  so  it  will  become  possible  to  compile  a  fairly  complete 
vocabulary  and  a  sutihciently  exhaustive  grammar  of  this  branch 
of  Semitic  speech,  thus  continuing  the  work  which  Noldeke, 
Schwally,  and  others  have  so  carefully  and  so  lucidly  mapped  out 
fur  students. 

(To  be  continued.) 


236 


Nov.  3]  •  TROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


NOTES  ASSYRTOLOGIQUES. 

Par  Alfred  Boissier. 

§  I.  Les  align  res  dnctylo)naniiques  et  le  Mene  thekel  upharsin. 

Parmi  les  innombrables  tablettes  augurales  que  possede  le  Musee 
Britannique  il  en  est  une  qui  offre  un  certain  interet.  C'est  le 
No.  4030,  dont  M.  Bezold  nous  a  donne  un  extrait  a  la  page  588 
de  son  Catalogue.     Voici  ce  qu'on  lit  : — 

1.  Enuma  ina  res  ekalli  SU.SI  usurta  palakat  itabbi  amelu  HAL. 

2.  Enuma  ina  napsat  ekalli  SU.SI  usurta  palakat  qibiti  la  kitti  la 

gamrat. 

3.  Enuma  ina  qabal  ekalli  SU.SI  usurta  palakat  habbatum  mat 

lisaddu. 

4.  Enuma  ina  isid  ekalli  SU.SI  usurta  palakat  amelu  HAL  sa 

mat  nakirtu  emuqa  (?)  ikassad. 

C'est-a-dire — 

1 .  Si  mi  sonimet  iTun  palm's  un  doigf  dessine  une  figure  :  le  devin 

accourra. 

2.  Si  sur  la?     d'un  pnlais  tin  doigt  dessine  une  figure :  parole 

nienteuse,  incomplete. 

3.  Si  au  milieu   d'un  palais  un  doigt  dessine  une  figure :  les  bri- 

gands domineront  sur  le  pays. 

4.  Si  a  la  base  d'un  palais  un  doigt  dessine  une  figure  :  le  devin 

du  pays  etranger  atteindra  la  puissance. 

En  lisant  ces  predictions,  tirees  des  figures  qu'un  doigt  mysterieux 
pouvait  tracer  sur  le  mur  d'un  palais,  comment  ne  pas  penser  invo- 
lontairement  au  recit  du  cinquieme  chapitre  du  livre  de  Daniel. 
Assis  au  milieu  de  ses  grands  et  de  ses  femmes,  le  roi  Belschatsar 
preside  un  festin  dans  la  grande  salle  du  palais.  Tout-a-coup  le  roi 
distingue  a  travers  une  porte  qui  reliait  la  salle  de  banquet  au 
'■'■  kutallu"  I'extremite  d'une  main  qui  ecrivait  la  fameuse  sentence, 
Mene,  mene,  thekel,  tipharsin.  II  y  a  une  erreur  dans  toutes  les 
traductions,  qui  disparait  si  Ton  donne  au  mot  arameen  le  vrai  sens 

237 


Nov.  3]  SOCIETV  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH/EOLOGY.  [1896. 

([u'il  comporte  ici.  L'assyrien  '''■  kutallu,''  qui  rend  le  mot  arameen 
bil^,  ne  signifie  pas  mnraillc,  mais  une  salle  speciale  dont  il  est 
difficile  de  definir  I'usage,  Sancherib  avait  fait  construire  une 
maison  du  '•'■  kutallu,'"  c'est-a-dire  un  arsenal  a  en  croire  la  plupart 
des  assyriologues.  Dans  le  recit  qui  nous  importe,  il  faut  regarder 
le  '''' kiita//u"  comme  une  piece  qui  conununiquait  a  la  salle  du 
festin  par  une  grande  porte.  Le  roi,  etant  assis  en  face,  pouvait  par 
consequent  tres  bien  distinguer  I'ombre  projetee  par  le  chandelier 
sur  cette  extremite  de  main  qui  ecrivait  sur  la  muraille.  BelscJiatsar 
changea  de  couleur,  nous  dit  I'ecrivain  biblique  ;  il  fit  mander 
aussitot  tous  les  astrologues  et  les  devins,  qui  passerent  des  heures  a 
parcourir  les  ouvrages  auguraux.  La  clef  de  I'enignie  ne  se  laissait 
pas  decouvrir ;  il  appartenait  a  Daniel  de  reveler  au  grand  roi  le 
sens  tragique  de  cette  ecriture  sanglante. 

Voici  done  comme  je  propose  de  traduire  le  verset  du  cinqui^me 
chapitre  de  Daniel : — 

"  En  ce  moment  apparurent  les  doigts  de  la  main  d'un  homme, 
et  ils  ^crivirent  en  face  du  chandelier,  sur  la  muraille  (?)  du  ^  kutallu' 
du  palais  royal.  " 

Je  traduis  le  mot  i^'^''^  par  "  muraille,^''  et  non  par  "  chai/x." 

§  2.  Les  habitants  de  Perge,  en  Pamphylie,  adoraient  le  dieu 
Adonis  sous  le  titre  d'  '"A^wfia^  (voir  Roscher,  Lexicon  der  Griechis- 
chen  und  Romischen  Mythologie,  page  3  et  page  73,  ou  il  faut  lire 
'A/3ii>^a^  et  non  'A/^w/Jd?).  L'on  a  reconnu  depuis  longtemps  que  ce 
nom  est  semitique.  Mais  I'etymologie  qu'ont  proposee  Engel, 
Movers,  Preller  (v.  Roscher.  loc.  cit,  page  73),  qui  rapprochent  'A/SwySas- 
de  abub  (ambub)  '■'■flnte^'  ne  me  satisfait  pas.  Je  verrai  plutdt  dans 
ce  mot  l'assyrien  "abubu,"  qui  signifie,  "  tourbillon,  tempete, 
ouragan."  Chez  les  Israelites  Jahweh  etait  h.  I'origine  un  dieu 
atmospherique.  'A/Jw/Sa?  pourrait  done  n'etre  que  le  dieu  assyrien 
Ramman.  Mais  jamais  ce  dieu  n'a  re(^u  un  culte  semblable  a  celui 
d'Adonis,  et  c'est  pourquoi  je  propose  de  regarder  "A/id'/Sd^  comme 
etant  synonyme  de  Marduk-Tammouz,  I'amant  infortune  d' J  star. 
Lorsque  le  poete  assyrien  s'adresse  a  Merodac  il  I'invoque  comme 
le  dieu  fort  dont  la  puissance  est  semblable  a  "  I'ouragan  "  *.  11 
n'y  a  done  aucun  doute  h  ce  sujet.  Le  dieu  Adonis  des  Pamphy- 
liens  n'est  autre  que  celui  qui  ^tait  adore  par  les  Babyloniens  sous 
Ic  titre  de  Marduk-Tammouz. 

*  Qarradu  Marduk  sa  izissu  abCibu  (King,  Babylo}jian  Magic  and  Sorcery, 

238 


Nov.  3]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1.S96. 

§3.  Le  roi  Tiglat-Pileser  I  (11 20-1 100  a.  c),  dans  le  recit  qu'il 
nous  fait  de  ses  campagnes  centre  les  habitants  de  la  Commagene, 
nous  parle  d'un  roi  KiJianteru,  qu'il  fit  prisonnier.  Je  propose  de 
rapprocher  ce  nom  de  Kilianteru  de  celui  d'une  ville  de  Cilicie, 
dont  les  monnaies  nous  ont  conserve  la  mention.  Cette  ville  n'est 
autre  que  Kelenderis  (voir  Mionnet  :  Descriptiofi  des  Medailles 
Antiques,  supplement,  tome  vii,  page  200,  No.  204).  Kelenderis  est 
la  ville  de  Kilianteru,  comme  Alexandrie  la  ville  d'.Vexandre. 


239 


Nov.   3]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOC.V 


[1896. 


The  next  Meeting  of  the  Society  will  be  held  at  37, 
Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C,  on  Tuesday,  ist 
December,  1896,  at  8  p.m.,  when  the  following  Paper  will  be 
read  : — 

Joseph  Offord,  "  The  Tell  Amarna  Tablets  relating  to  Jerusalem 
and  Central  Pa'estine  " 


240 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHiEOLOGY  PUBLICATIONS. 


In  8  Parts.      Price  Ss.  each.     With  full  Illustrations  of  the  Vignettes. 
Parts  cannot  be  sold  separately. 

The  Fourth  Part  having  been  issued,  the  Price  is  now  Raised  to  £5  for  the  8  Parts. 


XTbe  Bo^ptian  Book  of  the  2)eab, 

BEING   A 

Complete  Translation,  Commentary,  and  Notes, 

By  SIR  P.  LE  PAGE  RENOUF,  Knt.  {President) ; 

CONTAINING   ALSO 

^  ^nies  of  ^Blatcs  of  Wi  FigncttES  of  tibe  Hiffermt  ®]^apt£rs. 


The  request  having  been  made  by  a  number  of  friends  that  this 
translation,  &c.,  should  be  issued  in  a  different  form,  so  as  to  be  a 
separate  book,  and  Mr.  Renouf  having  kindly  consented,  it  is  proposed 
to  issue  a  limited  number  of  copies  upon  large  paper,  in  numbers,  at  5^. 
each.  Members  desirous  of  obtaining  copies  should  at  once  communicate 
with  the  Secretary.  The  fourth  part  having  been  issued,  the  price  is  now 
raised  to  1 2s.  6d.  a  Part.  .   ■ 


Tlbe  Bronse  ©rnaments  of  tbe 
palace  (Bates  from  Balawat. 

[Shalmaneser  II,  B.C.  859-825.] 


Parts  I,  II,  III,  and  IV  have  now  been  issued  to  Subscribers. 

In  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  original  prospectus  the  price  for 
each  part  is  now  raised  to  £,1  los. ;  to  Members  of  the  Society  (the  original 
price)  ;^i  IS. 


Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 


COUNCIL,     1896. 


President. 
Sir  p.  le  Page  Rendu f,  Knt. 

Vice-Presidents, 

The  Most  Rev.  His  Grace  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

The  Most  Noble  the  Marquess  of  Bute,  K.T.,  &c.j  &c. 

The* Right  Hon.  Lord  Amherst  of  Hackney. 

The  Right  Hon.  Lord  Halsbury. 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  M.P.,  D.C.L.,  &c. 

F.  D.  Mocatta,  F.S.A.,  &c. 

Walter  Morrison,  M.P. 

Sir  Charles  Nicholson,  Bart.,  D.C.L.,  M.D.,  &c. 

Rev.  George  Rawlinson,  D.D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury. 


Couiiril. 

Rev.  Charles  James  Ball,  M.A.     ]        Rev.  James  Marshall,  M.A. 
Arthur  Gates.  \       Claude  G.  Montkfiore. 

Rev.  Prof.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  D.D.   I       Walter  L.  Nash,  F.S.A. 


Thomas  Christy,  F.L.S. 

Dr.  J.  Hall  Gladstone,  F.R.S. 

Charles  Harrison,  F.S.A. 

Gray  Hill. 

Prof.  T.  Hayter  Lewis,  F.S.A. 

Rev.  Albert  Lowy,  LL.D.,  &c. 


Alexander  Peckover,  F.S.A. 

Prof.  P.  Pierret. 

J.  Pollard. 

Edward  B.  Tylor,  LL.D.,  F.R.S., 

&c. 
E.  Towry  Whyte,  M.A.,  F.S.A, 


Honorary   Treasurer — BERNARD  T.  BosANQUET. 

Secretary — W.  Harry  Rylands,  F.S.A. 

Honorary  Secretary  for  Foreign  Correspondence — Rev.   R.  Gwynne,  B.A. 

Honorary  Librarian — WiLLlAM  Simpson,  F.R.G.S. 


IIAKKISON    AND    SONS,    I'KINTEKS   IN    OHUINAFiV  TO    HKK    MAJIiSlY,    ST.    MARTIN  S    I.ANE. 


VOL.  XVIII.  Part  8. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE    SOCIETY 


OK 


BIBLICAL    ARCHEOLOGY, 


.,4:  ft- 


VOL.  XVIII.     TWENTY-SIXTH  SESSION. 

S event Ji  Meetings  December  ist,  1896. 

«c# 

CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Prof.  Flinders  Petrie. — The  Period  of  the  Judges 243-249 

Theopuilus  G.  Pinches. — Assyriological  Gleanings.    (4  Plates)     250-258 

Rev.   Dr.  Gaster. — Two   Unknown   Hebrew  Versions   of  the 

Tobit  Legend  (continued) 259-271 

W.   E.  Crum.     a  Stele  of  the  Xlllth  Dynasty 272-274 

Rev.  G,  Margoliouth.  — More   Fragments   of   the    Palestinian 

Syriac  Version  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  (r(7«^2««<£^)   275-285 


-^^- 


PUBLISHED   AT 

THE     OFFICES     OF    THE     SOCIETY, 

37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C 

18  96. 


[No.    CXLI  ] 


SOCIETY   OF    BIBLICAL   ARCH/EOLOGY, 

37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


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„      IX, 

iDINGS. 

,,     2 

...   10 

6    ... 

12     6 

To 

To  Members. 

■  Non-Members. 

Vol.         I, 

Session 

1878-79 

2 

0 

2 

6 

II, 

», 

1879-80 

2 

0 

2 

6 

III, 

,, 

1880-81 

4 

0 

5 

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0 

5 

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-       5 

0 

6 

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„     VIII, 

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...       5 

0 

6 

0 

„        IX, 

5, 

1886-87 

2 

0  per 

'art       .. 

2 

6 

„        IX, 

Part  7, 

1886-87 

8 

0     ,, 

,, 

10 

6 

X, 

Parts  I 

to  7, 

1887-88 

2 

0     ,, 

,, 

2 

6 

X, 

Part  8, 

1887-88 

7 

6     „ 

,, 

10 

6 

„        XI, 

Parts  I 

to  7, 

1888-89 

2 

0     ,, 

,, 

2 

6 

„        XI, 

Part  8, 

1888-89 

7 

6     „ 

,, 

10 

6 

„      XII, 

Parts  I  to  7, 

1889-90 

2 

0     „ 

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6 

„      XII, 

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1889-90 

5 

0     ,, 

,, 

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0 

„     XIII, 

Parts  I 

to  7, 

1890-91 

2 

0     ,, 

,, 

2 

6 

„     XIII, 

Part  8, 

1890-91 

5 

0     ,, 

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6 

0 

„      XIV, 

Parts  I 

to  7, 

1891-92 

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0    „ 

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„      XIV, 

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1891-92 

5 

0    ,, 

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0 

„       XV, 

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to  7, 

1892-93 

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0     ,, 

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2 

6 

XV, 

Part  8, 

1892-93 

5 

0     ,, 

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0 

„     XVI, 

Parts  I 

to  lO, 

1893-94 

2 

0     ,, 

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6 

„    XVII, 

Parts  I 

to  8 

1895 

2 

0     ,, 

,, 

2 

6 

„  XVIII, 

In  progress 

1896 

2 

0     ,, 

" 

2 

6 

A  few  complete  sets  of  the  Transactions  still  remain  for  sale,  which  may  he 
obtained  on  application  to  the  Secretary,  W,  H,  Rylands,  F.S.A.,  37,  Great 
Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE     SOCIETY 

OF 

BIBLICAL     ARCHEOLOGY. 


TWENTY-SIXTH    SESSION,    1896 


Seventh  Meeting,  ist  December,  1896. 
REV.  JAMES  MARSHALL,  M.A., 


IN    THE    CHAIR. 


The    following    Presents    were    announced,   and    thanks 
ordered  to  be  returned  to  the  Donors  : — 

From  Rev.  R,  Gwynne  {Sec.  For.  Corr.)  : — The  Tell-el-x^marna 

Letters,    by    Hugo   Winckler.      8vo.      Berlin,    London,    New 

York.     1896. 
From  Rev.  R.  Gwynne  {Sec.  For.  Corr.): — Plagiat  ?  (The  "Place 

of    the    Chaldeans    in    History"),    by    Dr.    Hugo   Winckler 

Leipzig.     1889. 
From   the    Author,    Edward    Sachaw : — Aramaische    Inschriften 

(Konigl.  Preuss.  Akad.  der  Wissenschaften  zu  Berlin).     1896. 
From  the  Author,  G.  Margoliouth,  M.A. : — The  Liturgy  of  ihe 

Nile;    the    Palestinian    Syriac    Text,    edited    from   a   Unique 

MS.  in  the  British  Museum  {Journ.  Roy.  Asiatic.  Soc.)     8vo. 

London.     1896. 
[No.  CXLI.]  241  s 


Dec.  i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHyEOLOGY.  [1S96. 

The  following  Candidates  were  nominated  for  election  at 
the  next  Meeting,  to  be  held  on  the  12th  January  1897  : — 
Mahomad  Barakat  Ullah-jMoulvie,  Oriental  Academy,   5,  Blooms- 
bury  Square. 
Miss  Vera  F.  Mameroff,  P.O.  Box  93,  New  York  City,  U.S.A. 

The  following  Candidates  were  elected  Members  of  the 
Society,  having  been  nominated  at  the  last  Meeting,  held 
on  the  3rd  November,  1896: — 

Alexander  Snell  Cantlay,  Avalonia,  Dunheved  Road  South, 
Thornton  Healh. 

Richard  Cooke,  The  Croft,  Detling,  Maidstone. 

Francis  A.  Cunningham,  A.M.,  B.Sc,  825,  Arch  Street,  Phila- 
delphia, U.S.A. 

Mrs.  Grenfell,  Beach  Cottage,  Freshwater  Bay,  Isle  of  Wight. 

Eduard  Kotalla,  Domplatz  4,  Breslau. 

j\I.  I'Abbe  de  la  Paquerie,  Superieur  du  Bon  Pasteur,  ^Marseille. 

Rev.  W.  Merrell  White,  Harrop  Edge  House,  Stalybridge. 

Reginald  Arthur  Rye,  Fernie-Knowe,  Lancaster  Road,  Norwood, 
S.E. 


To  be  added  to  the  List  of  Subscribers  : — 
The  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  New  York,  U.S.A. 


A  Paper  was  read  by  Jos.  Offord  :  "  The  Tell-Amarna 
Tablets,  relating  to  Jerusalem  and  Central  Palestine." 

Remarks  were  added  by  the  Rev.  C.  J.  Ball,  Rev.  R. 
Gwynne,  Rev.  Dr.  Lowy,  Mr.  J.  Pollard,  Rev.  Dr.  Gaster, 
Mr.  J.  Offord,  and  the  Chairman. 

Thanks  were  returned  for  this  communication. 


242 


Dec.   I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  JUDGES. 
By  Prof.  Flinders  Petrie. 

As  some  fresh  data  have  lately  appeared  bearing  on  this  very 
vexed  question,  it  is  desirable  to  state  the  case  as  it  at  present 
stands. 

AVe  now  know  from  the  inscription  of  Merenptah  that  he  fought 
in  Palestine,  and  there  crushed  a  branch  of  the  Israelites.  This 
shows  that  he  did  not  merely  restrict  the  Egyptian  invasion  to  the 
Philistine  country,  and  that  therefore  had  the  Jews  (as  I  will  call 
the  ex-Egyptian  immigrants  for  distinction)  been  already  in  Palestine 
this  war  should  have  appeared  in  the  Book  of  Judges.  Not  only  is 
there  no  trace  of  this,  but  neither  is  there  any  sign  of  the  Palestine 
war  of  Ramessu  III.  If  therefore  neither  of  these  invasions  falls 
within  the  Book  of  Judges,  it  indicates  that  the  Jewish  invasion  was 
subsequent  to  the  last  campaign  of  Ramessu  III. 

In  dealing  lately  with  the  XXIst  dynasty  I  showed  that  the 
Ramesside  chronology  would  place  Ramessu  III  11 67-1 135  b.c. 
Since  then,  however,  the  interval  between  Ramessu  II  and  III  has 
been  further  shortened  by  Bakenkhonsu's  inscription,  so  that 
Ramessu  III  cannot  be  later  than  1 180-1 148  B.C.  ;  and  as  his  last 
•campaign  was  in  the  i6th  year,  this  limits  the  Jewish  invasion  to 
about  1 164  B.C.  or  later.  Hence  the  Exodus  would  fall  in  1204  B.C. 
or  later ;  and  this  would  agree  with  the  general  opinion  that  it  was 
under  Merenptah,  whose  reign  I  stated  as  1207-1187  b.c.  It  is 
therefore  probable  from  these  considerations  that  the  Exodus  fell 
between  1204  and  1187  b.c,  say  11 90  B.C. 

On  the  other  hand  we  are  limited  by  the  reign  of  Sheshenq  I, 
which  I  have  shown  reason  in  the  paper  on  the  XXIst  dynasty  to 
date  from  960  B.C.  Lasting  21  years,  this  places  Sheshanq  960- 
939  B.C.,  within  which  must  fall  the  5th  year  of  Rehoboam.  As  this 
is  independently  put  at  948  b  c,  solely  from  the  Jewish  and  Assyrian 
chronology,*  there  cannot  be  much  uncertainty  in  placing  the  rise 

*  For  the  Jewish  kings  I  here  use  the  chronology  of  the  Oxford  "  Helps  to 
the  Study  of  the  Bible,"  as  giving  probably  the  best  version  ;  in  any  case  close 
enough  for  the  present  purposes.  By  a  strange  oversight  the  above  date  is  there 
Tnisreckoned  as  956  B.C. 

243  S  2 


Dec.  i] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGV, 


[1S96. 


of  Rehoboam  in  952  B.C.  Solomon  and  David  are  each  stated  to 
have  reigned  40  years.  This  number  is  so  constantly  used  as  an 
approximation,  that  its  exactness  is  very  doubtful;  so  that  1032  b.c. 
for  David's  accession  must  be  taken  with  a  reservation  of  doubt  as 
to  possibly  five  or  ten  years. 

Thus  we  reach  the  limits  of  1 190-1032  B.C.  for  the  period  from 
the  Exodus  to  the  death  of  Saul.  These  are  limits  so  much  shorter 
than  usually  supposed  that  it  is  necessary  to  see  if  they  are  possible 
in  view  of  the  other  data,  before  we  consider  what  is  probable. 

The  reign  of  Saul  is  usually  much  exaggerated,  owing  to  the 
abuse  of  the  round  number  of  40  years  given  for  it  in  Acts  xiii,  21. 
In  Saul's  second  year  he  was  warned  that  his  successor  was  already 
chosen  (i  Sam.  xiii,  14);  and  immediately  after,  as  it  appears,  he 
was  tested  by  the  Amalekite  war,  and  David  was  brought  forward 
(i  Sam.  xvi,  xvii).  David  cannot  have  been  less  than  about  20  years 
old  then,  as  he  was  in  full  vigour  as  a  shepherd ;  and  yet  Saul  died 
when  David  was  30  (2  Sam.  v,  4).  Hence  Saul's  reign  is  limited  to 
about  3  years  before  David,  and  about  10  years  with  David,  or  about 
13  years  in  all.  This  would  place  Saul  then  1045-1032  b.c.  And 
thus  the  epoch  of  Judges  from  the  invasion  to  the  rise  of  Saul  is 
restricted  to  1 150-1045  B.C.,  or  105  years  in  all. 

Next  we  take  a  most  valuable  criterion  in  the  priestly  genealogies 
given  in  i  Chron.  vi.  These  seem  to  be  in  a  fairly  good  state, 
excepting  that  of  Heman,  which  is  badly  confused  with  repetitions 
and  names  of  late  type  inserted,  such  as  Zephaniah  and  Azariah. 
This  can  however  be  cleared  up  as  below  ;  and  in  two  of  the  families 
we  have  names  which  occur  in  the  Exodus  period,  thus  giving  a 
chain  from  Exodus  to  David.  The  following  are  the  series,  with 
references  to  the  verses  of  i  Chron.  vi. 


4-8 

37 

35-33 

I  Sam.  i,  I 

Eleazar 

Ebiasaph          = 

Zuph         = 

Zuph 

Phinehas 

Assir 

... 

Abishua 

Tahath              = 

Toah         = 

Tohu 

Bukki 

(continued  with 

Eliel         =1 

Elihu 

Uzzi 

interpolations 

Jeroham  = 

J  eroham 

Zerahiah 

until  repeated 

Elkanah    = 

l<>lkanah 

Meraioth 

in  35-33) 

Shemucl   = 

Samuel 

Amariah 

Joel 

Ahitub 

Hcman 

244 


Dec.  I]  TROCEEDINGS.  [1896, 

Now,  Eleazar  was  in  full  activity  at  the  Exodus,  and  married 
already,  as  his  son,  Phinehas,  has  an  Egyptian  name,  Pa-nehsi,  "  the 
negro."  His  wife,  daughter  of  Putiel,  appears  to  have  been  a 
negress,  like  that  of  Moses  (Num.  xii,  i).  Abiasaph  also  appears 
as  the  head  of  a  family  at  the  Exodus  (Ex.  vi,  24).  These  men 
were  therefore  of  the  same  standing  as  to  age  then  that  their 
descendants,  Ahitub  and  Heman,  were  at  David's  time.  Thus 
there  are  eight  generations  from  the  Exodus  to  David.  The  royal 
line  only  counts  five  generations  (i  Ch.  ii,  41-2),  but  probably 
some  are  omitted.  What  these  generations  of  eldest  sons  imply 
we  see  from  the  Jewish  kings,  where  we  are  certain  none  have  been 
omitted.  Setting  aside  the  youthful  Solomon,  as  quite  exceptional, 
there  are  sixteen  generations  from  Rehoboam  to  Jehoiakhin,  within 
952-598  B.C.,  or  354  years,  giving  22  years  for  an  average  eldest-son 
generation.  The  eight  generations  from  the  Exodus  to  David  will 
thus  have  been  176  years;  and  David  appointing  Heman  about 
1024  B.C.,  this  would  place  the  Exodus  at  about  1200  B.C.  This  is 
so  near  the  date  1190  B.C.,  that  it  shows  that  the  genealogies  do  not 
contradict  this  chronology,  while  they  would  be  quite  at  variance 
with  the  usual  reckoning  of  300  to  500  years.  That  no  great 
omissions  have  been  made  in  these  genealogies  is  shown  by  their 
general  accord  in  length  from  Levi  to  David ;  Asaph  is  fifteen 
generations,  Ahitub  is  twelve,  Heman  (revised  as  above)  is  twelve, 
and  Ethan  is  thirteen  generations  from  Levi.  Had  arbitrary 
omissions  been  made,  such  a  general  agreement  in  length  would  be 
unlikely.  We  must  conclude  then  that  the  genealogies  distinctly 
favour  the  shorter  reckoning. 

Now  we  come  to  the  consideration  of  Judges.  In  the  various 
periods  of  oppression  and  independence  we  find  that  three  different 
districts  are  alluded  to,  and  that  the  rule  in  each  of  these  neve 
overlaps  into  adjoining  districts  ;  there  are  in  short  three  separate 
histories  given  in  sections.  These  are  the  histories  of  the  North 
and  Galilee,  the  East  and  Moab,  and  the  West  or  Ephraim,  and 
the  Philistines.  It  will  be  shortest  and  clearest  to  tabulate  these, 
stating  the  region  mentioned  in  each  case;  and  building  up  the 
successive  periods  in  each  region  from  the  end  of  each  history  in 
Saul,  reckoning  back  to  the  beginning. 


245 


Dec.  i] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILLOLOGV. 


[1896. 


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IV, 

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vi, 

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xii, 

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xii. 

14, 

Dec.   i]  proceedings.  [1S96. 

From  this  table  we  see  that  the  construction  of  the  periods  of 
the  Book  of  Judges  is  as  follows  : — 

Judges  iii,  8     North  ist  captivity  and  deliverance. 

„       iii,  14  East  ist  captivity  and  deliverance. 

North  2nd  captivity  and  deliverance. 

West  ist  captivity  and  deliverance. 

continuing  on  into 

East  history  to  end 

North  to  end. 

West  to  end. 

We  also  see  a  connection  between  the  several  divisions  of  the 
country.  All  fall  into  captivity  nearly  together;  all  are  delivered 
within  ten  years.  A  long  tranquility  succeeds  this,  broken  in  the 
north  by  Sisera ;  and  later  on  in  the  west  and  then  the  east  by  the 
Philistines.  Then  with  regard  to  the  growth  of  the  Judgeship  we 
see  this  to  have  started  with  Gideon,  who  had  the  power  without  the 
definite  title  :  for  neither  Othniel  nor  Ehud  are  said  to  have  judged. 
From  Gideon  the  Judgeship  passed  to  Abimelech,  then  to  Tola 
He  may  well  have  extended  his  authority  to  the  east  during  the 
period  of  rest  there,  and  on  his  death  we  see  within  two  years  a  new 
Judge,  Jair,  in  the  east,  who  is  said  to  come  after  Tola.  Abdon 
appears  to  have  succeeded  in  the  west :  and  then  the  Philistines 
pushed  forward  occupying  the  west,  and  1 6  years  later  the  east  also. 
While  leading  up  to  the  united  kingdom  of  Saul  we  see  a  stable 
period  of  Judges  ruling  each  division,  Elon  in  Zebulon  (north), 
Jephthah  in  Gilead  (east)  and  Samuel  in  the  west. 

The  total  period  which  results  from  this  arrangement  by  localities 
is  118  years  in  north,  122  years  in  east,  and  121  years  in  west. 
Each  of  these  periods  includes  a  nominal  40  years ;  and  judging  by 
Saul's  40  years  being  only  about  13,  we  may  suppose  10  or  20 
years  a  very  probable  uncertainty.  We  have  then  about  120  years 
nominally,  or  say  something  over  100  years  probably,  as  the  minimum 
time  allowed  by  the  history  for  the  interval  from  the  close  of  the 
first  rush  of  conquest  to  the  rise  of  Saul.  An  uncertain  time  must 
be  added  from  the  period  of  the  conquest,  between  the  invasion  and 
the  first  oppression. 

We  can  now  summarise  our  results  ;  taking  the  period  from  the 
invasion  of  Canaan  to  the  rise  of  Saul,  it  appears  to  be  by — 

247 


Dec.  I] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCIL-EOLOGY. 


[1896. 


Egyptian  History. 

1150-1045  D.C. 

105  years. 


Genealogies. 
1 76 -(40 +  13 +  8) 
116  years. 


Judges. 
120  years 
+  time  of  conquest 
—  somewhat    from 
round  number  of  40 
years  in  Palestine. 


To  reconcile  the  differences  between  these  numbers  is  hardly 
practicable  yet ;  but  we  at  least  see  that  there  is  no  impossibility 
in  the  generally  short  period  of  a  little  over  a  century  for  this  age. 
If  we  were  to  attempt  to  make  an  average  of  the  data  given  here,  we 
should  take  into  account : — 

In  Egyptian  history  10  years  might  be  gained  at  Merenptah,  and 
possibly  6  or  7  years  by  bringing  Rehoboam's  defeat  near  the  end 
of  Shishak's  reign,  while  the  40  years  of  David  and  40  of  Solomon 
also  influence  this;  a  gain  of  about  10  or  15  years  would  be  the 
maximum  likely,  or  120  years  for  maximum  period. 

In  the  Genealogies  all  exactness  depends  on  the  equivalence  of 
age  of  the  first  generation  at  the  Exodus  to  the  last  generation  at 
the  Davidic  organization.  10  years  either  way  is  therefore  very 
possible,  or  106  to  126  years,  beside  the  question  of  the  average 
generation. 

In  the  Judges,  8  or  10  years  at  least  must  be  allowed  for  the 
conquest,  but  we  can  hardly  cut  more  than  20  years  out  of  the 
round  40  ;  so  that  about  no  years  would  be  the  minimum. 

On  the  whole  I  should  myself  prefer  to  take  no  years,  with  an 
uncertainty  of  5  years  either  way,  as  the  best  result  we  can  at 
present  attain.  Provisionally  then  I  should  arrange  the  chronology 
of  this  period  somewhat  as  follows,  always  remembering  that  5  years 
of  variation  is  very  possible  : — 


Exodus     ... 
Invasion  of  Canaan 
First  oppressions,  about 
First  deliverances 
Abimelech  in  West 
Jabin  in  North     ... 
Tola  in  East 
Jair  in  East 
Abdon  in  West   ... 

248 


B.C. 

II92 

II52 

1142 

II35-II25 

I II4-IIII 

I  112-1092 

in  1-1088 

1088-1066 

1089-1081 

Dec.  I] 


PROCEEDINGS. 


[1896. 


Philistines   in  West    (including   Samson 

and  Samuel)     ... 
Philistines  in  East 
Jephthah  in  East 
Elon  in  North 

Saul  

David 

David's  organization 

Solomon  ... 

Rehoboam 

Rehoboam  invaded 


B.C. 

1081-1042 
1066-1048 
1048-1042 
1052-1042 
1042-1029 
1029-992 
1022 
992-952 

952 
948 


But  it  seems  almost  as  likely  that  Rehoboam  might  be  a  little 
later,  and  David  and  Solomon  have  the  whole  40  years  named  for 
each. 

However  these  small  differences  or  under  five  years  are  eventu- 
ally settled — if  ever  settled — we  at  least  see  that  there  is  a  general 
accordance  between  the  Egyptian  chronology  fixed  by  the  Sothis 
festivals,  the  genealogies  of  the  priests,  and  the  history  of  the  Judges 
when  carefully  distinguished  into  its  several  districts,  that  is  very 
satisfactory ;  and  unless  some  very  distinct  and  emphatic  evidence 
should  appear  contradictory  to  this,  we  may  apparently  rest  with  a 
tolerable  certainty  on  the  outline  which  I  have  given  above. 

The  use  of  the  genealogies  was  pointed  out  by  Lepsius ;  but  he 
did  not  utilize  them  to  a  proved  time-scale,  nor  fix  the  generation  of 
the  Exodus  specifically.  The  overlapping  of  the  judgeships  has 
been  recognized  for  long;  but  the  sums  of  the  periods  in  different 
districts  are  here  shown  to  be  about  equal,  so  that  the  Book  of 
Judges  consists  of  three  complete  histories  in  sections.  The  whole 
treatment  above  has  been  worked  entirely  anew  from  the  materials, 
without  incorporating  previous  results. 


249 


Dfx.  i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 


ASSYRIOLOGICAL   GLEANINGS. 
By  Theophilus  G.  Pinches. 

Among  the  tablets  excavated  by  Mr.  Rassam  in  Babylonia  are 
some  of  an  educational  nature,  being  apparently  young  students' 
"copy-books."  A  Babylonian  boy's  first  exercise  in  writing  was,  in 
all  probability,  the  repeated  impression  of  the  signs  >— ,  y,  etc., 
followed  by  the  other  more  complicated  characters,  and  ultimately 
by  the  whole  Babylonian  syllabary,  exercises  in  writing  words  and 
names,  and  extracts  from  legends  and  business  documents.  The 
lists  of  characters  sometimes,  by  filling  up  gaps  in  the  syllabaries, 
prove  to  be  of  value.^  It  is  interesting  to  note  that,  in  writing  out 
the  characters  of  the  syllabaries,  the  student  began  with  that 
designated  by  Fried.  Delitzsch  as  "  Syllabary  a,"  which  gives  the 
values,  the  characters,  and  their  names  ;  proceeding  afterwards  to 
the  list  now  represented  by  the  smaller  fragments  of  the  class  of 
"Syllabary  b''  {see  Delitzsch's  Lesestilcke,  3rd  edition,  pp.  65-67), 
which  gives  the  values,  the  characters,  and  their  meanings.  Last  of 
all  he  devoted  his  attention  to  "  Syllabary  b "  (the  most  complete 
list  that  we  have),  which  also  gives  values,  characters,  and  meanings. 
It  will  thus  be  seen  that  our  most  perfect  syllabaries  are  the  first 
and  third  of  the  lists  used  by  the  Babylonian  student,  and  that,  full 
as  our  Akkadian  dictionary  is,  we  may  expect  further  additions  to 
it  when  we  find  the  many  missing  parts  of  that  syllabary  of  which 
we  have  now  but  a  few  fragments. 

I  have  said  that  these  lists  are  sometimes  of  value  in  restoring 
wanting  signs  broken  away  in  the  syllabaries,  or  in  suggesting  such 
restorations.  Thus,  in  place  of  <^^^^  (better,  as  a  restoration, 
^^^^  ),  in  line  73  of  the  greatsyllabary  /',  the  restoration  ^W^ 

'  A  study  of  them  has  been  made  by  Dr.  Peiser,  who  published  the  results  in 
the  Zcitschrifl  fii}-  Asyriologic. 

250 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

is  suggested  (the  same  characters  as  in  lines  72  and  74).     Adopting 
this,  these  three  Hnes  would  read  : — 


y  m^       4f<y 

U         -         ri 

y  -^y<  ^y  ^ 

Ti     -    id    -    nu 

y  -<y<  ^^yy  -^y 

Ti     -     il     -     la 


-0    --H    5^1    <,  ^^'^'^^■ 
Ak    -   ka  -  du  -  u 

A  -  mur    -    ru   -   u 

Ur      -       tu     -      u 


If  this  be  correct  (and  in  all  probability  it  is  the  true  restoration), 
"^^^  not  only  stands  for  the  highlands  to  the  north  of  Assyria 
( Urff/  =  Urartu  =  Ararat),  but  also  for  Amiirru  (the  land  of  the 
Amorites),  used,  by  extension,  for  the  west  in  general,  including  the 
mountainous  region  of  Palestine.  This  seems  to  be  an  additional 
confirmation  of  the  theory  that  the  name  Uri  {=  Akkadu)^  the  land 
of  Akkad,  was  originally  applied  to  a  tract,  probably  mountainous, 
which  was  not  the  Babylonian  plain,  and  in  which  the  Urites  or 
Akkadians  dwelt  before  settling  in  Babylonia. 

81-1T-3,  435  is  also  a  tablet  of  some  importance.  It  gives  the 
Babylonian  form  of  <^f^f,  Akk.  did,  Semitic  Bab.  katdmii,  "to 
cover/'  as  <y|y  (S^.  i.  Col.  Ill,  1.  9),  but  <y^y,  with  the  Akk.  value 
of  ^/7,  Sem.  Bab.  /////,  "  hill"  (S^.  Col.  IV,  1.  9),  is  ^gf.  We  have 
also  the  variant  *Y?f  >^'^y  (Assyr.  Jg)  "^X^)  for  ][fclj,  Akk.  i(du, 
S.  Bab.  immeru,  "sheep"-  (the  same,  1.  11),  and  the  completion 
of  the  characters  represented  by  gukkal  =  Bab.  gakkalu'"^  (from  the 
Akk.)  is  ]^  X^]],^  Bab.  ^y  i^]].  81-11-3,  435  gives  also 
^y^y  ^>^y  as  the  Babylonian  form  of  ^^<K,  Akk.  pis  and  kis, 
Bab,  hujnsiru'^  zxv^  piazu  (according  to  Delitzsch,  Handivorterlmch, 
names  of  a  four-footed  animal). 

In  the  case  of  the  tablet  81-11-3,  478  (Plate  I)  the  student,  after 
filling  the  obverse  with  lists  of  characters,  proceeded  to  give  a  list  of 
Akkadian  names  of  domestic  animals,  beginning  with  the  character 

'  If  we  may  thus  coin  a  name  for  "  the  land  of  the  Amorites." 

^  &^  Jensen,  Z.K.F.,  II,  28.     That  this  is  the  proper  reading  of  |[^]_J   •"^f 

(Bab.    M^y   >T^y)  is  shown  also  by  one  of  the  fragments  acquired  by  Dr.  Hayes 

Ward  (Wolf  Collection)  in  1885.     82-5-22,  941  gives  -<^4f  ^I   ^^'^I'  i'^mari. 

•''  So  K.  6027,  which  I  had  noted  as  being  a  duplicate  of  S''  i.     Bezold  {Cata- 

logite,  p.  756),  says  it  is  "  part  of  an  explanatory  list  of  names  of  animals." 


Dec.   i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

"r?!,  udu,  apparently  =  immeru,  "sheep."  This  is  followed  by  *^y  '^, 
udii  niga,  possibly  =  immeru  mari'i,  "  fat  sheep "  (see  Delitzsch's 
Handworterbuch,  under  juarii),  and  "^f  -^  ^I*-**-?  ^^»  ^^dii  niga 
sega  =  yy  yy  ■i^-'Ey^T^^i^i  (?  imnieru  warn  dam\_kji\),  "a  sheep,  fat 
and  well-favoured."  "^y  ^  ^>-  i^^^,  udu  masgallu'''  and  *Yjy  Ar 
-^  i^tt,  ndu  massallii'",  are  explained  by  ^y  ^  >ff^  and  ^y  ^  >f-|^ 
respectively,  groups  that  are  apparently  to  be  read  masgallu'^  lahri 
and  massallu"'  lah/m,^  probably  expressions  meaning  "ewe."  The 
words  puhadii,  piihad  sizib,  and  biiru,  probably  mean  "lamb," 
"  suckling  lamb  "  (lit.  "  lamb  of  milk  ")  and  "  steer  "  respectively. 

The  student's  second  column  contains  the  words  for  Sumer  or 
Shinar  and  country,  followed  by  the  prepositions  "  in,"  "  to,"  and  the 
adjectives  "  bright,"  "mighty  "  and  "great,"  the  last  being  apparently 
represented  either  by  V,  or  by  ^^.  Notwithstanding  the  simi- 
larity, this  part  does  not  seem  to  have  been  copied  from  the  text 
published  in  W.A.I.  II,  pi.  39,  no.  i,  obv.,  col.  II.  The  information 
it  conveys  is  that  Sumer  was  "the  country"  /^r  excellence,  kingt 
standing,  in  the  list,  both  for  Sumeri  (Sumer  or  Shinar)  and  jndtu, 
"country."  The  meaning  of  elhi,  "bright,"  for  *Tty,  the  second 
component  of  ^]^  ^y,  reminds  one  that  jryyyy  (Assyr.  f:yyy<)  has 
the  similar  meaning  of  "to  cleanse,"  "make  pure,"  and  was  then 
pronounced  la^,  and  that  V^  ^t^  Igf  has,  apparently,  in  W.A.I. 
Ill,  pi.  4,  1.  52,  the  variant  \^  -C]3f  J:yyy<  ]]{,  {mat)  Eme-la^^a, 
an  additional  argument  in  favour  of  the  value  of  la^i^  for  Jgf,  required 
in  the  name  of  the  Elamite  king  y  "rty  "r^y  ^y  *^y  ^^y,  Kii-dur- 
lap-g2i-7/iaI,  identified  by  me,  also  by  Professors  Hommel  and  Sayce, 
with  the  name  Chedor-laomer.  My  rendering  of  V  >^^][vy  ::yyy<  ][J<, 
mat  Eme-la^^a,  given  in  January,  1881,'  as  "the  land  of  the  pure 
tongue  "  is  thus  shown  to  be  approximately  correct,  but  the  expres- 
sion ;;/(//  Eme-la^-^a  seemingly  does  not,  as  I  then  thought,  refer  to 
Akkad,  but  is  simply  a  variant  for  V  ^^J^IllJ  HI?  ^'"^^^  Eme-la^a, 
apparently  pronounced  in  the  same  way. 

The  third  column  has  Semitic  Babylonian  verbal  forms  (aorist) — 
ikM,  "  he  spoke  ;  "  iksur,  "  he  bound  ;  "  iktaM,   "  he  said  ;  "  iktasur, 

'  Or  are  we  to  read,  instead  of  these  two  expressions,  siidriawA  SudJju  ?  or  any 
of  the  numerous  other  possible  transcriptions  ? 

2  Cf.  W.A.I.  Ill,  pi.  4,  lines  51  and  52,  reading  tyyy<  for  ^yyy^. 
^  .See  the  Proceedings  for  that  date. 

252 


Drc.   I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

"  he  bound  ; "  iktasi,  "  he  oppressed  (?) ;  "  iktasa,  "  he  oppresses  (?) ;  " 
ikta\ti\ak,  "  he  sealed  ;  "  iktapap,  "  he  bowed  down." 

The  last  column,  which  has  a  blank  space  at  the  top,  seems 
to  be  some  sort  of  an  extract  from  a  consecutive  text,'  as  follows  : — 

Mi-?iam-7na  as-me-e-ma  \\\\dX  have  I  heard ? 

dul{?)-Ia-ka  la  viar-ku  Thy    work    has    not    been 

delivered  (?). 
ki-bat-ma  dul-la-ka  kut-hi-tu         Thou  sayest  thy  work  has 

been  destroyed  (?). 
ki-i  as-mic-u  a-la-lu  (?)  Thus    have    I    heard    the 

acclamations  (?) 
sa  D.P.  sa-ku  a-7ia  a-gan-7ia-ka     for  the  mayor  (who)  hither 
i-ba-as-si is  coming  - 

Another  group  of  these  practise-tablets  has,  on  the  obverse, 
bilingual  lists  of  trade  terms  and  grammatical  forms,  x\kkadian  and 
Assyrian,  including  those  in  W.A.I.  II,  pi,  18,  No.  2  ;  V,  pi.  29, 
No.  I  (Haupt,  Akk.  Sujfi.  Keilschriftiexte,  pp.  64  ff.)  etc.  This 
portion  being  published,  at  least  in  part,  I  leave  it  for  the  present, 
and  pass  to  the  reverse  of  the  tablet. 

In  the  first  fragment,  A.H.  83-1-18,  1846  (Plate  II),  the  student 
wrote,  in  his  first  column  (that  close  to  the  right-hand  edge)  words 
signifying  offices  held  by  men,  such  as  daanii,  "judge;"  sa'ii  or 
za'ii,  seemingly  meaning  the  same;  riikiiddu^  "bewailer"  (?  profes- 
sional mourner),  in  Akk.  ^==  <<  y^  ^f-  -if^^^)  r).P.  tu-igi-gugu  (?), 
"  he  who  weeps  (with)  troubled  eye ;  "  or  physical  peculiarities  like 
s'lbu,  "  grey-haired  old  man,"  in  Akk.  ^=;  *ff  "^^  I  ^tc. 

The  second  column  contains  verbal  forms,  most  of  them  written 
twice,  with  one  or  more  of  the  syllables  expressed  in  two  different 
ways,  e.g.,  ta-ak-tu-sa-  and  tak-tu-sa-  ;  tu-uk-ti-i7i  and  iuk-ti7i,  "thou 
has  fixed,"  etc.,  and  the  first  word,  iad-da-a,  was  probably  preceded 
by  the  variant  ta-ad-da-a,  etc.  In  some  cases  these  verbal  forms 
are  apparently  not  very  well  written. 

The  third  column  contains  names  of  men,  also  written  mostly  in 
duplicate,    and   with    similar   variants,    such   as   Nabii-ka-si-ir  and 

'   More  probably  this  is  an  extemporaneous  dictation  exercise  from  the  teacher. 
^  This  rendering  is  given  with  all  reserve,  at  least  four  of  the  words  being  very 
unusual.     Cf.  Delitzsch's  Handwortcrbicch. 

^  Cf.  Syr.  root  ^) — j/non'Vn   "  bitter  weeping, "  etc. 

253 


Dec.  I]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILLOLOGY.  [1896. 

Nabu-ka-sir ;  and  also  a  name  partly  in  ideographs,  and  written  out 
at  full  length  : — 

m     «     ^     m\     ^^m,     and         "1 
Itti-man-ni    -    ia    -    Belu  1"^™    ^^'hom  (?) 

y     is     Bel  ? "     or 
T  1141  ^H  '^T  -Hr  ^  E^Iy  ^  *E!    I       "the  Lord?" 
It     -     ti  -  ma  -  an  -  ni    -  ia  -  be  -  lu  J 

The  fourth  column  has  names  of  women — (i)  Belit-sunu,  "  Their 
lady,"  (2)  A-di-ir-tii^  and  (3)  A-dir-tu'^,  "mourning,"'  (4)  Bu-'-i-iii'", 
and  (5)  Bu'-i-hf'^,  indicating  the  value  of  lui'  for  ]^,  derived  from 
its  ordinary  value  of  biii,  (6)  Ru-lni-ut-tii'^  and  (7)  Riibu-ut-tu"', 
"  princess  "  ("-fflf,  ridn\  "  prince  "),  (8)  La-ri-iti-du,  apparently  for 
Ld-rhntUy  "graceless,  ruthless,  loveless."  The  remainder  of  the 
column  is  occupied  with  exercises  in  the  ways  of  writing  the  female 
name  Sa-Nana-aninni^  "  We  are  Nana's,"  in  which  the  only  variant 

is  tr^T'  '"'^  ^°^  J^  ^^'  "'^'""^" 

The  fifth  (and  last  ^)  column  is  hke  the  corresponding  column 
of  Plate  II,  giving,  as  it  does,  names  of  countries,  the  first  being 
^^  ^  ^^  [^-y]  ^Y  ^yy,  ;;/^/-/'rtr-Z>^x?/,  "the  land  of  Paradise," 
lines  5,  6.  The  remainder  of  the  column  is  more  uncertain,  but  the 
districts  mentioned  seem  to  be  mat  Bi-it-da-at-ta-a,  "  Beth-Datta," 
and  Bi-it-via-hi-si-e,  "  Beth-Mahise  "  (?),  of  which  last  two  ways  of 
writing  were  apparently  given. 

The  fragment  A.H.  83-1-18,  1S66  (Plate  III),  has  a  precisely 
similar  arrangement  to  the  foregoing.  In  the  first  column  are 
titles  of  men  in  Akkadian  and  Assyrian — ^^  ^1^^!  ^y  =  ci^ipu, 
"magician,"  Heb.  and  Ch.  r)tL^)SI,  and  ^^  ^^y  =  nam,  a  word 
sometimes  rendered  "  singer,"  but  which  seems  to  be  of  Akkadian 
origin. 

The  second  column  has  a  number  of  verbal  forms  in  the  second 
person  of  the  present  or  aorist.  Some  of  these  do  not  seem  to  be 
quite  clear,  but  among  them  may  be  distinguished  tulfaksdnia,  for 
tustaksdina,  secondary  form  of  Shaphel ;  fnU'ib,  possibly  from  atabn 
"  to  make  good,"  aphel  of  tabu} 

'  Delitzsch,   IVorterbmh,  s.v. 

^  For  another  way  of  writing  this  name,  see  next  page. 

^  When  complete,  the  tablet  must  have  had  several  extra  columns. 

*  Ilaupt,  A.S.K.T.,  p.  112,  1.  iS,  cf.  p.  107,  1.  19. 

254 


Dec.  i]  proceedings.  [1S96. 

The  third  column  has  names  of  men  written  in  two  ways.  From 
this  we  get  the  equivalence  of  JX^^f  with  >^<y  ^|  .->f-,  ri-ma-an, 
in  the  name  Nabu-rhnan-su  (lines  15-17).  In  lines  13  and  14  a 
name  is  given  with  double  and  with  single  k  (Makka  and  Maka). 

The  fourth  column  has  female  names,  the  writing  of  one  being  to 
a  certain  extent  of  the  nature  of  a  rebus,  ^  ■^>-  ^Y  >rv^  =  t^ 
•^'-  ^>^  ^  S^^,  B2i--i-tii"'  (lines  6  and  7).  From  this  we  see 
that  the  well-known  ideograph  ^y  ^,  "  side,"  was  pronounced 
itu  in  Assyrian.  Lines  3-5,  where  the  name  Sa-pi-kari  is  given,  are 
noteworthy  on  account  of  the  equivalence  of  ^f^f  j]^  *ff I.'  ka-a-ri, 
and  lOyf-^  The  name  seems  to  mean  "(saved)  from  the  mouth  of 
the  dog." 

The  fifth  column  has  the  names  of  countries,  or,  rather,  in  many 
cases  (notwithstanding  the  prefix  V),  cities.  The  places  mentioned 
are  Eridu,  Barsip  (lines  5-8)  three  times  (not  very  clearly  written  the 
first  time),  Bit-Aggullu"",  Magganu  (Maganu),  Par-Esu  and  Pardesu, 
apparently /rt-rrt-^/V^  (Par-Esu  seems  to  be  a  mistake  for  Pardesu,  due 
to  the  fact  that  there  was  a  deity  named  Esu^ — "the  domain  of  the 
god  Esu  "),  and  Bit-Napsanu. 

The  sixth  (and  last  column  preserved)  has  apparently  paradigms 
of  entries  in  a  day-book  :— 

"  *  shekels  of  silver  for  a  depu  of  iron." 
"  *  shekels  of  silver  for  one  sinii  (?)  of  copper." 
"  4  (?)  shekels  of  silver  for  one  asraga  of  iron." 
"  2  shekels  of  silver  for  a  caldron  (?)*  of  copper." 

The  tablet  A.H.  83-1-18,  1847  (Plate  IV),  is  apparently  the  lower 
part  of  the  above  (Plate  III),  and  has  the  columns  similarly  arranged. 
The  first  column  has  exercises  in  writing  the  word  marti  (?  "a  fat 
man  "^) ;  the  second  column  has  variant  spellings  of  the  verbal  form 
taddinna,  "  ye  have  given  "  (with  i===y^I][^  for  ^^If  J:ty,  ta-ad,  and 
ix.  fo'^  -^^T  ^^)  di-in).  Col.  Ill  continues  the  names,  and 
gives  a  variant  for  J^y,  namely  ^|y  ^  J^,  ki-t-ni,  in  the  name 
E-sagila-Mni-iibhib.     Col.  IV  has  the  female  names  Amti-Serua  and 

'  This  character  is  to  be  substituted  for  the  ^^  of  the  original. 

^  The  question  arises  whether  kh-i  is  not  a  mistake  for  kalbi,  "dog." 

^  It  occurs  in  the  name  y  ^^y  .^^y  '^>f-  ^y  ^yy,  Abdi-Esu,  and  was 
apparently  not  a  native  Babylonian  deity, 

*  Cf.  Dclitzsch,  Handwdrterbitch,  sub.  voce. 

255 


Dec.  i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

TerhiVni,  the  latter  containing  the  variant  "^J  J!^,  te-ir,  for  "^^]^, 
ter.  Col.  V  has  the  geographical  names  inatu  sa  issiir  Ranunaiii, 
"  the  land  of  Rimmon's  bird,"  and  mat  bct-Napsanu,  "  the  land  of 
Beth-Napsan,"^  followed  by  tahirranjiatu''^^  {with  jlj^^"^,  Inr,  for 
^  J!$i^)  /'/-/>),  which  last  word  is,  in  its  turn,  followed  by  the 
variant  (?)  V  bin-amidtu"^  (with  iJi^"^  for  ^  J^^?  as  before).  There 
is  just  the  possibility,  therefore,  that  V  has  here  the  value  of  ta, 
which  would  imply,  as  Sir  P.  le  Page  Renouf  remarked,  Egyptian 
influence,  fi  meaning  "  country "  in  that  language,  like  V'  in 
Assyrian. 

The  fifth  and  sixth  columns  have  the  continuation  of  the  trade 
entries,  with  the  date  of  the  tablet : — Nahu-satii,  zerii  suati^,  ana 
GIS-BAR,  iiliu  arah  Nisanni,  sattu  sissitu  {irbittu,  sibUu),  Fii-ipsu, 
sar  mafdti,  "  Nabu-sani  (gives)  this  grain  as  a  yearly  offering  from 
the  month  Nisan,  year  6th  (4th,  7th),  Philip,  king  of  countries."  It  is 
to  be  noted  that  the  spelling  of  the  royal  name,  J  ^Z^Jif  j^fj  ^U' 
Pil-ip-su  (instead  of  Pi-lip-su),  seems  to  indicate  the  pronounciation 
of  the  aspirate,  which  is  absent  in  the  Greek  form.  The  Babylonians 
pronounced  it,  in  all  probability,  Phil'ipsu,  the  Assyrian  characters 
containing/  standing  {o\ ph  or/as  well. 

Among  other  fragments  of  this  class  may  be  noted  81-11-3,  529> 
which  gives,  on  the  obverse,  various  names  of  gods,  and,  on  the 
reverse,  various  ways  of  writing  names  and  words,  among  the 
former  being  the  female  name  '^  -^  ^^\  "^^TXl  -<f^T  J^TT* 
D.P.  Bu-ul-li-ti-is,  variant  -^  "^  "^^14  T)  ^^-l^-  Bul-U-tJs.  A 
selection  of  the  fragments  containing  interesting  names  written  both 
ideographically  and  at  length,  will  be  given  later  on. 

The  students  seem  sometimes  to  have  devoted  the  last  column 
of  their  practise-tablets  to  an  extract  from  a  legend,  one  (which  was 
possibly  a  favourite)  being  that  of  Sargon  of  Agade.  As  there  are  a 
few  variants,  I  reproduce  the  extract  here. 

^  See  the  preceding  page. 


256 


8i- 


IV. 

III. 

TEXT. 

VERBA!.   FORMS. 

JL^ 

X^ 

<:: 

JJL^ 

:w^r    :^ 

{tt  m  "^T  ^  K  ^? 

•BT 

JL^ 

J^^T  <:^ 

^K?)   >-%]    :2M    "7^  :^r- 

*m 

JL.< 

mi^  <r- 

4iT  ^  "ET  K-rii  >-^T  ^y^r  ^  4  -^it 

JL.< 

^ff^r   ¥ 

4^r    ^    ^   >^   -^y  Vr  -^T   ^T(?) 

ji^^m-^ 

¥  ^  ¥  "liT  n  ^4  I?  ^^  ^4 

:^y^r 

ji.< 

^^T    >v 

tJ:    *;:Y    tT-    -"  —    r;:.,.>7XX. . 

rr 

•/V 

78. 


PLATE    I. 


II. 

I. 

BILINGUAL    LIS'l. 

BILINGUAL   LIST. 

'm 

^r  F 

m 

pe^^>vcv^^..^^.. 

rr 

"HI     T? 

4 

TT  TT  ^•Efr^al 

TI 

*lil 

4-  'IT    i!:J: 

^T     4     fl^l 

n 

.4 

"E! 

:hT     4    -T<T 
^-  lj<   J^T 

4fl 

"ET 
•E! 

4^1 

TT     <T-     / 

■K-K 

M^^, 

-i''<>';^\ 

''-"^m 

r,')\-l'^/\-^'^7\-l'^/^'ir^/?^^■j<■ 

^,^  <y-  |ii5{| 

W&M 

^^M^'^^^j' 

■J-:\':'2'->< 

il^^lii^ilil 

(.Vc- 

•/rt^f  J  251—253.) 

V. 
COUNTRIES. 


if  ^  :::  1141 

?0        It 


>^T 


IV. 

NAMES   Ol'    WOMEN. 

^  -^r  m  t^ 

n  j^  ^^  j^ 


^T 


T?  J^  t^  j^ 


4ir « j^ 

^^r «  s^ 
-All— 


PLATE  II. 


846. 
E. 


II. 

VERBAL    FORMS. 


I^^^ilv^; 


-^^T        -^Jfx      4fl 


TITLES  OK   MEN. 


sV^<Xk<.^k^<VV,<>-'<.>;\0-V"-OVN<iV\0''-'^0 


•eT     U     ^4 


->f 


:n 


4> 


X  iiy  ^i^r  4> 


^^T 


-1     >4< 


JL 


4 


Vr        Vy 


<«Y 
«Y 


« 


4f^ 


<r- 


^t-y  -^^-^T  -<h-  {s^-d 


,  Jk. 


fl^^ 


<r> 


(.9fe  pa^es  253  a«^/  254.) 


^ 


A.H.  83-1-18, 


VII. 


VI. 


BUSINESS   PHRASES. 


V. 

COUNTRIES. 


(Probably  the  up 


IV 


NAMES   OF   \V0ME1 


i 


.4£A-.-: 


?:^2^2:i;o2&:2 


>y^i  ¥  <r-  -7^  ^ 


'-^J-^l 


^- 


¥  4  ::iy^T  + 


^:r:eflij!y^ytr¥M-^:::^ 
»^yy  4  ^^y  \  i?  4f i 
y<y^^yyH:-jtr-  ¥  ;:^y^y  i 

IH  ^ay       tr  1^-  4--  E^ 

"-"iiisfs^af^Ey  ^  ^-  ^\  ^ 

-^  Hf-  <^  4Ey>    -14    - 

t^    ^y-4i    - 

^y^y^i 

^- 


vA. 

< 


^y  -y^y^  7^^^ 

\-^y^y^y^^^^ 
\-  ^y   x^\   ^ 

^'1    ^yy 


<<<Y  l!0i'S^ 


V  iy  4^y  J4:?  ^yy  ^- 
v-'Ey^y.^^-ty 

^;:aMiSMMM&^^. ..:...... ~^ 


platp:  III. 


Reverse. 

t  of  1847.) 

III. 

II. 

I. 

NAMES   OF    MEN. 

VERBAL    FORMS. 

TITLES   OF   MEN 

m^: 


J^ 

-11  > 

-¥     Jl^- 

-]t]t 

.4 

^m 

^ 

I  -l^^t 

.^^ 

i^>Tx 

-]^]^ 

^- 

<^i^^ 

^^r4 

^141 

^ir 

r    ->^i^i^ 

4 

^1} 

-^ni 

^- 

<-h^ 

^^i4     ' 

^14! 

^ir 

-ni 

A 

^ir 

'^i  -i^] 

t     -fci 

'   I? 

•^r 

;:^T^r 

n 

->^icr^ 

fl^i 

'^y 

->f  I 

^^T^r^ 

^:^^ 

^ 

<T-4fl 

j^r 

4-     1.,^ 

m  ^  ^  ^ 


Hie 


4Vx  4r-A  4-A  ^A  4-X  ^-^^ 


^IcT 


ly 


;^^; 


■y 


'^zS^lffS^^  fM^ 


y{ 
y? 

« 


<?-    t> 


^y^y 


>ffY 


<?-  ^^ 


^^ 


^i 


'/^--/0-. 

'■^1! 


y: 


<y| 


*?J^;^^!^' 


{See  pages 


254rt«(f  255.) 


83- 


VII. 


<« 


%B 


E 

VI.  V. 


y  ^ty  idi  ^TT 


^ 


>f  -^  >yyy  .4  :^^y 
4 


y? 


Ill     H 


y? 


y  >-^y-y^y  ?  j^^  Hh  IMy  lifT  ^^^'  -'  :::  J^  -iU  - 


^  >7^^  >^  y?  -^ 

y?  ^^  '^y  >f 
:??^y  ^?  ^y  ^->f 

y  ^^y  Id!  ^yy 


•^yy  SI  ^  -411 


4 


Vr 


y? 


PLATE   IV. 


1847. 

LSE. 

IV. 


TIL 


II. 


*?? 


T4  t^T]^ 


r 


-/•0--/0r/(^--/!};'  - 


I-J- 


"'^f:"ffS; 


^ir 


ir 


4 


4.. 


M 


:!? 


erf         ^^\   t^   -   HJ.fcT-H     4'     P 


{See  ;( ages  255  nrW  256. 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS,  [1896. 

81-11-8,  154,  Reverse,  Col.  III. 

J^f  ^     >^^    ^Y^'     Sar-gina,  sarru  dannu  Sargoj?,  the  powerful  king 

^^  J^^  S^^^y  ^''     sarri  A-ga-de   D.S.  king  of  Agadc  {am  I). 

pj'*      ^][      ».^      ^^     Ummi        e  -  ni  -  tu™  My  mother  {was)  a  lady, 

t^y        >-^y        ^        ^-^'^     aba        la       i     -     si  father  I  had  not. 
y?        Hrif        >^!Hy         t^y?     ^    ■    b'^          ^bl    -    ia      The  brother  of  my  father 

V'   t:^    'E^    '*~y-^    *^"     ^^d^     i  -  ra  -  am  -  mu  A^z'd^^  //;«?  mountain. 

[a-lu     a-zu-pi-ra-a-ni]  //;  //<<?  «/y  Aztcpirani 

[sa     i  -  na     a  -  hi]  which  beside 

.     [nar  Puratti        ]  the  river  Euphrates 

^y^y  >7^  ^  'rT7  '^HP  Jf^     ^^^  •  ""     l  -  ra  -  an  -  nl     />  placed,  she  begot  ine^ 

5^y^     ^Y      J^      J^^     ummu     e  -  ni  -  tu"'  (;;/y)  lady  mother 

*~       "^       '^*y""*^y       ^yy^'     ^^^^^       P^    -    uz    -    zu  /;^  a  secret  place 
5^  ^^  'Ey^y^**  "^Hh  J^     u  -  lid  -  da  -  an  -  ni     brought  me  forth, 
JZ^yy  ^^i^  >-^^^  '"'^  >^      is  -  ku  -  na  -  an  -  ni     she  placed  me 
^^»—       X^fC^      £v      "t^""'^     ^'^^      ku    -    up    -    pu     /;/  a  receptacle^^ 
Y  ^3^y  !^  J[i3  ^1^  y][  y^^l     sa  su  -  u  -  su,  ina  iddi     of  wicker,  7vith  bitzimen 
!^Y       t^y?         I*-yy         -^     ^abl    -    ia       ip    -    hi     she  closed  my  door. 

Variants  from  W.A.I.  Ill,  pi.  4,  No.  7  :  ^  «-yy-<^  ^^,  ^/-«a.  -  ^;^^  .^, 
dan-nti.  ^  y^  ^.^y  |^,  a-na-kii,  "(am)  I,"  added.  ■»  J^^yyy  ^JlJ:,  nm-ini. 
^  y^  C^  <^y^  S:^  <yS^,  '^-^''^^  «/  ^■-'^^  "my  father  I  knew  not."  ^  ^^^, 
<?/^«.  '  J=^  ^^yy  <J:C  V  E?yy  y?'  i-ra-ml  Sa-da-a.  «  ^-yy|  ^_ 
um-mu.  ^  W.A.I.  Ill,  4,  7,  more  correctly,  >^ji^,  r;  {ina  puzri).  ^"^'^y'^T 
omitted.  "  >f-^^^yyy,  k»n.  i"  t^  ,^^  S^f  ^.^,  /.„«  Z^//-//. 
's  ^Y  '>^\,  Sic-ri  {  =  Silri).  This  seems  to  be  the  real  word  for  "wicker."  The 
Babylonian  student  has  substituted  suBii,  apparently  meaning  "  twig." 
^*  J:^  ^^,  i-iia.  '-^  Seemingly  a  square  or  oblong  wicker  box,  with  an  opening 
at  one  side,  like  a  birdcage,  for  which  hitppu  also  stands.  The  child  was  not 
visible,  apparently. 

257  T 


Dec.  i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCIL'l'LOLOGY.  [1896. 

The  following  occurs  on  82-3-23,  4344  4-  4473  and  4593.  Its 
exact  nature  is  doubtful,  but  it  may  also  be  part  of  a  legend  or 
story  : — 

^>     >f-^    J^     5^  P.D.  MUSEN-DU-U  The  hird-caic]iC7- 

-^             Jxly            ^  se    -    e     -     ta'"  the  net 

"^f-^T        aI^^T         'tl  id     -     di     -    ma  set,  and 

J^^      X^^-^        .J^  i'^''  "   dah    -   bar  approached 

>->^            i^           ^y>-  D.P.      Sam  -  si  the  sungod  : 

^►f-    i^    ^y>-    ^    i^  ^     D.P. Sam-si  Hmuesraa  '■'■  My  sungod^the 20th  day- 

^  >^  >^T^T   *^Z^    ^1'-     U-mu-ka      nam -mar  thy  day — make  bright''^ 

The  above  fragment  apparently  refers  to  some  superstition  that 
the  20th  day  of  the  month  (which  seems  to  have  been  dedicated 
to  the  sungod)  was  a  lucky  day.  A  common  name  (in  use  before 
the  20th  century  i;.c.),  ^  .^  ^^  '^,  Mar-finui-esraa,^  "Child 
of  the  20th  day,"  seems  also  to  point  to  the  prevalence  of  the 
belief.  The  hemerologies  do  not  seem  to  indicate  that  the  20th 
is  luckier  than  the  21st  or  many  other  days,  but  the  Kalendar  in 
W.A.I.  V,  plates  48  and  49,  gives  "Eclipse  of  the  sun"  as  likely 
to  occur  on  the  20th  of  three  months  of  the  year.  It  is  doubtful, 
however,  whether  this  was  a  lucky  omen. 

^  Thus,  not  Itamman-eres,  as  I  at  first  read,  misled  by  the  indistinct  writing 
of  the  first  character,  >^>^  being  often  written  for  tt  in  the  early  contract-tablets. 


258 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 


TWO    UNKNOWN    HEBREW    VERSIONS   OF   THE 
TOBIT   LEGEND. 

\_Co)itimied?\ 

By  Dr.  M.  Gaster. 


II.— TRANSLATION. 
ToBiT  Legend  I  (H.L.). 

I.  I  (i)*  The  words  of  Tobi,  son  of  Tobiel,  son  of  Hananel,  the 
son  of  Asael,  the  son  of  Gabatiel  of  the  tribe  of  NephtaU  in  Gahl, 
on  (the  river)  Pishon,  behind  the  way  of  the  going  down  of  the  sun 
on  the  left  side ;  and  the  name  of  the  town  was  Safet,  2  (2)  And 
Tobi  was  made  captive  and  exiled  in  the  days  of  Shalmanasar,  king 
of  Assur.  (3)  Even  in  his  captivity  he  forsook  not  the  way  of 
truth,  and  whatever  he  got  he  gave  in  equal  parts  to  his  brethren 
the  captives.  (4)  And  he  was  the  servant  to  the  whole  tribe  of 
Nephtali,  and  he  did  not  pull  away  the  shoulder  from  the  work. 

3  (5)  And  when  Israel  was  dwelling  in  his  land  he  went  astray  and 
worshipped  the  golden  calves,  which  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Nebat, 
had  made  ;  (6)  but  that  man  Tobi  used  to  go  and  bring  sacrifices 
in  the  house  of  the   Lord,   and  adored  there  the  God  of  Israel. 

4  (7)  And  all  the  first-fruits  of  his  land  and  his  tithes  he  brought 
faithfully  into  the  house  of  God  even  unto  his  temple  in  the  third 
year,  the  year  of  tithes  ;  (8)  and  from  his  youth  he  kept  the  ways  of 
the  Lord  and  his  commandments.  5  (9)  -^^^  when  Tobi  grew  to 
be  a  man,  he  took  a  wife  from  his  tribe,  by  name  Anna  ;  and  she 
was  with  child  and  bare  a  son ;  and  she  called  his  name  Tobiyah. 
6(10)  And  Tobi  poured  out  his  heart  over  him,  and  taught  him  the 

*  The  numbers  in  round  brackets  are  the  verses  according  to  Jerome  and 
LXX  ;  and  the  passages  in  square  brackets  []  are  missing  in  or  differing  from 
Jerome's  version. 

259  T  2 


Dec.  i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.^OLOGY.  [1896. 

ways  of  the  Lord.  And  he  walked  in  the  ways  of  his  father  and 
abstained  from  all  sin.  7  (^0  ^"^  ^^  ^'"'^  ^^^^  ^^'^^^  ^"^  ^o^""  came 
into  the  land  of  Assur,  into  Nineveh  the  great  city,  together 
with  the  whole  tribe  Nephtali.  (12)  And  they  all  defiled  them- 
selves with  the  food  of  the  Gentiles,  but  Tobi  alone  did  not  defile 
himself.  8  (13)  And  he  served  God  with  all  his  heart,  and  God 
gave  him  grace  and  favour  before  Shalmanassar,  the  king,  (14)  and 
he  made  him  master  over  everything  that  he  wished,  and  he  gave 
him  liberty  to  do  whatever  he  wished  in  the  whole  kingdom. 
9  (15)  And  he  went  into  all  the  towns  and  fortresses  to  see  the 
captivity,  and  to  ask  after  and  seek  their  welfare.  10  (16)  And  when 
he  had  come  to  Madai  he  had  in  his  hand  a  large  fortune,  which 
the  king  had  given  to  him,  1,000  talents  of  silver.  (17)  And  he 
gathered  a  multitude  of  Jews  from  his  tribe,  and  he  entrusted  the 
silver  to  Gabiel,  and  they  saw  it  and  were  witnesses,  and  he  gave 
him  a  token  in  remembrance  of  the  money.  II  (18)  After  a  long 
time  Shalmanassar,  the  king  of  Assur,  died,  and  his  son  Sennacherib 
reigned  after  him,  and  the  children  of  Israel  were  evily  treated. 
12  (19)  And  Tobi  distributed  his  goods  and  gave  it  to  his  kindred 
and  comforted  them.  13  And  he  gave  to  every  one  as  he  was  able. 
(20)  He  clothed  the  naked  and  fed  the  hungry,  and  the  dead  that 
were  slain  he  buried.  14  (zt)  And  when  Sennacherib  had  come 
back  from  the  land  of  Judah  with  ignominy  by  reason  of  the  slaughter 
that  God  had  made  about  him  because  he  had  blasphemed  and 
slandered,  that  Sennacherib  having  been  humbled,  slew  many  of  the 
Israelites,  and  Tobi  used  to  bury  them.  15  (22)  And  it  was  told 
the  king,  and  he  commanded  him  to  be  slain,  and  all  his  substance 
to  be  plundered.  16  (23)  And  Tobi  fled  with  his  wife  and  son,  and 
they  (wandered  about)  naked  and  barefooted  in  the  frost  without  any 
covering  and  without  sustenance ;  but  wherever  he  went  he  found 
many  friends.  17  (24)  And  it  came  to  pass  that  after  forty-five 
days  the  sons  of  Sennacherib,  Essarhaddon  and  Sharezer,  killed 
him,  (25)  and  Tobi  hearing  of  it,  returned  to  his  home,  and  all  his 
substance  was  restored  to  him. 

II.  1(1)  And  it  was  after  this  there  was  a  festival  of  the  Lord,  and 
Tobi  prepared  a  great  dinner  in  his  house.  2  (2)  And  he  said  to  his 
son  Tobiyah  :  go  and  bring  some  of  our  tribe  that  fear  God  to  feast 
with  us.  3  (3)  And  Tobiyah  went  and  returned  and  told  his  father 
that  he  had  seen  one  of  the  children  of  Israel  slain  lying  in  the 
street.     4  And  Tobi  got  up  from  his  seat  and  left  the  dinner ;  he  ate 

260 


13ec.  i]  proceedings.  [1896. 

nothing,  (4)  but  went  to  the  body,  took  it  up  and  carried  it  privately 
to  his  house,  and  when  the  sun  went  down  he  buried  it,*  (5)  and  ate 
afterwards  with  mourning  and  fear.  5  (6)  And  he  remembered  the 
word  spoken  through  Amos  the  prophet,  and  I  will  turn  your  feasts 
into  mourning  and  your  songs  into  lamentation.!  6  (8)  And  his 
relations  blamed  him,  saying :  Thou  knowest  well  that  the  king  had 
given  out  a  command  to  slay  thee  because  thou  didst  bury  the  dead, 
and  thou  didst  fiee  and  savedst  thyself  by  it,  and  yet  thou  still 
holdest  fast  thine  integrity.  7  (9)  And  he  said  :  I  fear  the  Lord  of 
Lords  more  than  the  king,  who  is,  like  me,  formed  also  of  clay. 
8  And  Tobi  continued  to  go  after  the  slain,  and  he  used  to  bring 
them  secretly  into  his  house  and  bury  them  at  midnight:  9(10)  Now 
it  happened  one  day  that  Tobi  was  wearied  with  burying  them,  [and 
he  had  not  washed  his  hands  nor  cleansed  them  in  water  after  the 
burial  of  them.]  10  And  he  cast  himself  down  on  a  bed  by  the  wall 
and  slept,  (11)  and  there  was  the  nest  of  small  birds  (swallows  or 
sparrows),  and  their  dung  fell  upon  his  eyes  and  his  eyes  were  dim 
so  that  he  could  not  see.  (12)  And  God  did  this  to  him  in  order  to 
try  him  as  he  had  done  to  Job.  II  (13)  And  whereas  Tobi  feared 
God  from  his  infancy,  he  did  not  for  all  this  charge  God  with 
foolishness,  (14)  and  he  clung  to  the  God  of  Israel  and  trusted  in  his 
mercy.  12  (15)  And  the  friends  of  Job,  Eliphaz  the  Temanite,  and 
Bildad  the  Shuhite,  and  Zophar  the  Naamathite  came  to  him,  and  they 
all  mocked  at  him  saying  :  (16)  where  is  thy  righteousness  upon 
which  thou  trustest,  saying,  I  am  just  and  I  will  bury  the  dead  and 
bestow  mercy  upon  them?  (17)  And  Tobi  rebuked  them  and  said  : 
(18)  truly  [I  am  clean  and  I  am  innocent,  and  my  righteousness  will 
answer  for  me,  and  we  must  receive  the  evil  as  well  as  the  good  with 
love  and  gladness  of  heart,  for  all  the  judgments  of  God  are  right]. 
14  For  everyone  whose  faith  is  perfect  will  not  change  nor  alter,  J  and 
God  gives  him  the  life  of  the  world  to  come.  15  (19)  And  his  wife 
was  wise  hearted  to  work  in  all  manner  of  cunning  workmanship,  and 
she  worked  for  many  and  she  fed  her  husband  by  the  work  of  her 
hands.  16  (20)  Whereby  it  came  to  pass  that  every  (1.  one)  day  she 
received  a  young  kid  for  her  wages  and  she  brought  it  home.  [And 
the  kid  went  through  the  house  bleating.]     17  (21)  And  Tobi  heard 

*  J.  reads  :  That  after  the  sun  was  down  he  might  bury  him. 
t  J.  7  omitted  here. 

t  J.  18  reads  instead  :  For  we  are  the  children  of  saints  and  look  for  that  life 
which  God  will  give  to  those  that  never  change  their  faith  from  Him. 

261 


Dec.  I]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

the  voice  of  the  kid  and  he  said  to  her  :  take  heed  lest  perhaps  it  be 
stolen,  restore  it  to  its  owners,  for  thus  are  we  commanded  by  our 
God,  and  it  is  not  lawful  for  us  to  keep  it  over  night  in  our  house  or 
to  take  it  to  ourselves.  18  (,22)  And  she  answered  and  said  :  if 
thou  art  righteous  as  thou  sayest,  wherefore  has  all  this  trouble 
come  upon  thee  ?  Such  was  her  custom  to  speak  every  day  roughly 
with  him  [until  he  was  wearied  of  his  life]. 

III.  I  (i)  And  when  Tobi  heard  [all  these  rebukes]  he  sighed 
and  was  sorely  grieved,  and  he  turned  his  face  towards  the  wall,  and 
he  prayed  with  tears  :  (2)  And  he  said  :  thou  art  just,  O  Lord,  and 
thy  judgments  right  and  thy  ways  are  mercy  and  loving  kindness  and 
truth  and  judgment.  2  (3)  And  now,  O  Lord,  remember  me  [for 
good  and  visit  me  with  thy  salvation],  and  do  not  remember  the  sins 
[of  my  parents],  and  hear  me  quickly,  and  the  offences  of  my 
forefathers  do  not  remember  against  me.  3  (4)  For  because  we 
have  not  observed  thy  commandments,  therefore  have  we  been  made 
to  be  a  fable  and  a  reproach  among  all  the  nations  whither  thou  hast 
brought  us.  4  (5)  And  now,  O  Lord,  great  are  thy  works,*  (6)  and 
thou  doest  what  is  right  in  thy  sight.  And  thou,  O  perfect  Rock,  do 
with  me  according  to  thy  mercy,  love,  and  truth,  and  take  my  soul ; 
for  it  is  better  for  me  to  die,  than  to  live.  5  (7)  The  same  time  it 
came  to  pass  that  Sarah,  the  daughter  of  Reuel,  brother  of  Tobi  [was 
praying  to  God],  in  Madai.  6  [For]  she  had  heard  reproaches  [and 
contempts  and  she  was  despised  in  the  eyes]  of  one  of  her  father's 
servants.  7  (S)  '^"'^  ^^''^  provoked  her  sore  every  day  saying : 
woe  unto  thee  and  to  thy  luck,  for  seven  men  were  given  unto  thee, 
and  they  died  every  one  of  them  the  very  first  night  they  went  in  to 
thee,  through  thy  witchcraft.!  8  And  how  darest  thou  to  lift  up  thine 
eyes  and  to  raise  thy  head  to  speak  to  me  on  either  a  great  or  a 
small  thing,  as  I  am  better  than  thou.  9  But  this  was  an  untruth  in 
her  mouth,  as  it  was  through  no  fault  of  hers,  as  Ashmedai  the  king 
of  the  demons  killed  them  on  the  first  night,  because  she  was  not 
appointed  for  them.  10  (9)  And  every  day  she  used  to  say  to  her : 
lo,  thou  art  unworthy  of  a  husband  or  to  have  seed  upon  the  earth, 
and  (10)  now  thou  thinkest  to  kill  me  as  thou  hast  killed  them. 
II  And  it  came  to  pass  one  day  that  she  went  up  into  the  upper 

*  J.  reads:  "Great  are  thy  judgments,  because  we  have  not  done  according 
to  thy  precepts,  and  have  not  walked  sincerely  before  thee." 

t  (8)  different  in  J.  (8)  Because  she  had  been  given  to  seven  husbands,  and  a 
devil  named  Asmodeus  had  killed  them  at  their  first  going  in  unto  her. 

262 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

room  and  stayed  there  three  days,  night  and  day,  she  neither  ate 
bread  nor  drank  any  v/ater  (11)  and  stood  in  prayers  and  suppHcation 
before  God  that  he  would  avenge  her  [on  that  servant]  who  upbraided 
her.  12  [And  she  thought  to  have  killed  herself  if  she  had  not  been 
afraid  that  she  would  bring  down  the  gray  hairs  of  her  father  in 
sorrow  to  the  grave  and  that  their  enemies  should  not  say  in 
derision  :  "  he  had  one  single  daughter  and  she  has  killed  herself"]. 
13  (12)  And  when  the  three  days  had  come  to  an  end  she  fell  down 
and  prayed  to  God,  saying  :  14  (13)  Blessed  art  tW)u,  O  Lord  God  of 
Israel,  who  keepeth  his  covenant  and  mercy  with  them  that  observe 
his  covenant  and  love  his  commandments.  15  Thou  answerest  in 
time  of  tribulation,  thou  deliverest,  rescuest,  and  savest  and  bestowest 
benefits  on  the  guilty.  16  (14)  To  thee  I  lift  up  my  eyes,  to  thee, 
who  dwellest  in  the  heavens  [for  I  know  that  I  am  dust  and  to  dust 
I  shall  return].  17  (15)  To  thee  I  pray  now,  and  before  thee  I 
present  my  supplication  with  regard  to  those  who  reproached  me 
undeservedly.*  18  (16)  Thou  knowest  my  heart,  that  I  never  coveted 
a  husband,  and  I  am  standing  pure  before  thee.  19  (17)  I  did  not 
sit  in  the  seat  of  the  scornful,  nor  have  I  joined  myself  with  them 
that  play,  nor  did  I  walk  with  the  wicked.  (18)  I  would  not  have 
desired  to  take  a  husband,  were  it  not  for  my  reverence  for  theef 
(19)  nor  was  I  appointed  for  them.  20  I  know  that  thou  hast  kept  (?) 
and  appointed  another  man  for  mej  (20)  [and  if  it  be  thy  will,  send 
him  to  me],  (21)  for  such  is  the  law  of  the  man  who  worshippeth 
thee  in  truth,  that  his  end  is  hope.  21  And  when  tribulation  and 
anxiety  comes  upon  him  thou  deliverest  him  through  thy  mercy, 
(22)  for  thou  art  not  delighted  §  in  the  death  of  him  that  dieth,  but 
that  he  return  from  his  way  and  live,  for  piety  averts  the  evil  decree. 
22  (23)  Be  thy  name  blessed  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen!  (24)  At 
that  time  her  cry  and  that  of  Tobi  were  heard  as  they  prayed 
together,  and  their  cry  went  up  before  God.  (25)  And  he  sent 
his  angel  Raphael  to  heal  them  and  to  deliver  them  from  their 
tribulation. 

*  J.  reads  :  I  beg,  O  Lord,  that  thou  loose  me  from  the  bond  of  this  reproach, 
cr  else  take  me  away  from  the  earth. 

+  J.  reads  :  But  a  husliand  I  consented  to  take,  with  thy  fear,  not  with  my 
hist. 

+  J.  reads  :  And  either  I  was  unworthy  of  them,  or  they  perhaps  were  not 
worthy  of  me  :  because  perhaps  thou  hast  kept  me  for  another  man. 

§  J.  continues  : — in  our  being  lost  ;  because  after  a  storm  thou  makest  a  calm, 
and  after  tears  and  weeping  thou  jjourest  in  joyfulness. 

263 


Dec.  I]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCIL-EOLOGV.  [1S96. 

IV.  1(1)  *And  Tobi  was  praying  for  his  death,  and  he  called  his 
son  Tobiyah,  (2)  and  said:  2  My  son,  hear  the  instruction  of  thy 
father,  and  forsake  not  the  teaching  of  thy  mother,  and  bind  their 
instruction  upon  thine  heart.  3  (3)  When  God  shall  take  my  soul, 
thou  shalt  take  me  and  bury  me  after  the  burial  of  my  fathers,  and 
thou  shalt  honour  thy  mother  all  the  days  of  thy  life.  4  (4)  And 
thou  shalt  be  mindful  of  the  tribulations  which  have  come  upon  us 
and  upon  her  every  day;  (5)  and  when  she  will  have  fulfilled  the 
days  of  her  life,  bury  her  with  honour  by  me.  5  (6)  And  thou  shalt 
be  mindful  of  thy  Creator  all  the  days  of  thy  life,  and  take  heed 
never  to  sin,  and  keep  the  commandments  of  thy  God  and  his  law. 
6  (7)  Thou  shalt  surely  open  thine  hand  to  the  poor  [when  thou  seest 
the  naked,  do  thou  cover  him.  7  Deal  thy  bread  to  the  hungry]! 
and  hide  not  thine  eyes  from  them,  then  God  will  bless  thee  in  all 
the  work  of  thy  hands,  (10)  and  he  will  open  unto  thee  his  good 
treasure,  (11)  for  riches  profit  not  in  the  day  of  wrath,  but  righteous- 
ness delivereth  from  death.  8  (12-14)  And  fear  God  with  all  thy 
heart  and  all  thy  might ;  do  not  join  thyself  wuth  evil-doers  and  do 
not  sit  in  the  seat  of  the  scoffers.  9  (15)  Render  to  every  man 
according  to  his  work,  and  give  him  his  wages  on  the  very  day,  and 
let  not  the  wages  of  the  hired  servant  tarry  with  thee.  (16)  Love  thy 
neighbour  as  thyself,  (17  and  19)^  and  seek  the  counsel  of  the  pious. 
10  (21)  And  now,  my  son,  go  and  ask  for  the  talents  of  silver  which 
I  have  left  in  the  hand  of  (rabiel,  in  the  city  of  Dago  (Rage). 
(22)  And  here  is  the  token  which  I  have  given  him  in  memory  of  the 
money.  (23)  Fear  not,  for  God  will  be  with  thee  wherever  thou  goest, 
if  thou  keepest  his  commandments.  II  [Be  not  dismayed  on  account 
of  the  great  tribulations  which  have  befallen  us,  for  I  trust,  through 
the  fear  of  God,  that  we  shall  still  have  great  salvation  and  deliverance, 
my  son;  fear  not.] 

I  V.  (i)  Then  Tobiyah  answered  his  father  and  said:  I  will  do 
all  the  things  which  thou  hast  commanded  me,  (2)  but  teach  me 

'''  J.  reads  : — -Therefore  when  Tobias  thought  that  his  prayer  was  heard  that 
he  might  die  he  called,  etc. 

t  (8  and  9  of  J.  missing  here.  (8)  According  to  thy  ability  be  merciful. 
(9)  If  thou  have  much,  give  abundantly :  if  thou  have  little,  take  care  even  so 
to  bestow  willingly  a  little. 

X  (J.  18  and  20)  missing  here.  (18)  Lay  out  thy  bread  and  thy  wine  upon  the 
burial  of  a  just  man,  and  do  not  eat  and  drink  thereof  with  the  wicked .  (20)  Bless 
God  at  all  times,  and  desire  of  him  to  direct  thy  ways,  and  that  all  thy  counsels 
may  abide  in  him. 

264 


Dec.  i]  proceedings.  [1896. 

and  show  me  the  way  I  should  go,  for  I  am  only  one,  and  how  can 
I  go  alone  to  bring  the  money  ?  2  (4)  And  he  said  :  go  outside 
and  seek  thee  out  some  faithful  man  that  I  should  give  him  his  hire 
while  I  yet  live  [and  he  will  go  with  thee  to  get  the  money].* 
3  (5)  And  Tobiyah  went  out  that  very  day,  and  went  [into  the  market- 
places of  the  town  to  seek  a  faithful  man.  4  And  the  angel  Raphael 
went  out  to  meet  him — he  was  sent  by  God  to  assist  himjf  (6)  and 
the  lad  knew  not  that  he  was  an  angel.  5  And  the  lad  saluted  him 
and  he  asked  him:  who  art  thou,  my  lord?  (7)  And  he  said:  I 
am  of  the  children  of  Judah.  6  And  Tobiyah  said  :  knowest  thou 
the  way  that  leadeth  to  Naphtali  ?  (8)  And  he  answered  and  said  : 
I  know  all  the  boundaries  of  the  lands  and  countries,  7  and  I  know 
Gabael,  our  kinsman,  who  lives  in  the  city  of  Dage  (Rage),  in  Madai, 
in  the  city  of  Nineveh,  on  the  mount  Abtanim  (C.  Egbatanis). 
8  (9)  And  Tobiyah  said  :  let  not  my  lord  be  angry,  I  will  only  go 
to  my  father  and  return.  9(10)  And  Tobiyah  went  and  told  his 
father,!  and  Tobi  sent  for  the  man.  And  (11)  he  came  to  Tobi  and 
saluted  him.  10  And  the  angel  said  :  gladness  and  joy  mayest  thou 
obtain  !  ii  (12)  And  he  said  to  him  :  What  manner  of  joy  can  there 
be  to  me  who  sit  in  darkness  [like  the  dead]  and  cannot  see  any 
more  the  light  of  the  sun?  I2  (i3)§  And  he  said:  let  it  not  be 
grievous  in  thy  sight,  for  thy  salvation  is  near  at  hand ;  thou  wilt  see 
again  and  thy  heart  will  rejoice,  13  (14)  And  Tobi  said  to  him  :  I 
have  called  thee  to  go  with  my  son  (to)  Gabael,  who  dwelleth  in  Dage 
(Rage)  in  the  country  of  Madai,  and  when  thou  shalt  return  I  will 
pay  thee  thy  hire. 

14  (15)  And  the  angel  said  :  Here  I  am,  ready  to  go  with  him. 
(16)  And  Tobit  said  to  him  :  Tell  me  what  is  thy  name,  and  of  what 
family  and  what  tribe  art  thou  ?  16  (17,18)  And  the  angel  answered 
and  said  :  My  name  is  Azaryah,  son  of  the  great  (elder)  Hananyah.|| 

*  (J-  3)  omitted  here.  (3)  Then  his  father  answered  him  and  said  :  I  have 
a  note  of  his  hand  with  nie,  which  thou  shalt  show  bim,  he  will  presently  pay  it. 

t  J.  reads  :  Then  Tobias  going  forth  found  a  beautiful  young  man,  standing 
girded,  and  as  it  were  ready  to  walk. 

J  J.  adds  :  Upon  which,  his  father  being  in  admiration,  desired  that  he  would 
come  in  unto  him. 

§  Different  in  J.  (13)  And  the  young  man  said  to  him  :  Be  of  good 
courage,  thy  cure  from  God  is  at  hand. 

II  (J.  17-18)  Different.  (17)  And  Raphael,  the  angel,  answered  :  Dost  thou 
seek  the  family  of  him  thou  hirest  or  the  hired  servant  himself  to  go  with  thy 
son?  (18)  But  lest  I  should  make  thee  uneasy,  I  am  Azarias  the  son  of  the  great 
Ananias. 

265 


Dec.  I]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

1  am  descended  from  a  noble  family.  V]  (19)  And  Tobi  said  :  let  it 
not  be  grievous  in  thy  sight  (do  not  be  angry,  I  pray  thee),  and  tell 
me  of  what  family  art  thou  ?     And  he  answered  :   I  am  from  the 

tribe '•'  (21)  And  Tobi  said  :  may  God  be  with  you  and  send 

his  angel  before  you.  (22)  And  they  prepared  provisions  for  the, 
journey,  and  they  set  out  together.  18  (23-25)!  And  Anna  his  mother 
went  with  him  until  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  weeping  all  the  way 
she  went.  19  [And  she  said  to  them  :  May  God  be  with  you  and 
give  you  grace  and  mercy  in  the  eyes  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  land. 
20  And  now  let  thy  footsteps  be  apace  to  return  quickly  to  us, 
before  we  die  and  go  down  in  sorrow  to  the  grave.  21  And  when  she 
returned  home]  she  said  to  Tobi :  what  hast  thou  done  that  thou 
hast  sent  away  from  thee  [thine  only  son  whom  thou  lovest?  22  If 
mischief  befal  him,  then  shall  we  bring  down  our  grey  hairs  with 
sorrow  to  the  grave.  23  For  as  long  as  our  son  was  with  us,  he 
was  to  us]  (as  one  who  refreshes  our  soul  and)  a  restorer  of  life  and 
a  nourisher  of  our  old  age.  24  (26)  And  he  answered  her:  Fear 
not,  my  sister,|  (27)  for  God  has  sent  his  angel  with  him,  and 
he  will  make  his  way  prosperous  for  him,  and  he  shall  restore  him 
yet  to  us.  § 

VI.  I  (i)  And  Tobiyah  went,  and  came  to  the  River  Hideqel 
(Tigris),  and  he  stayed  there.  (2)  And  he  went  down  to  wash  his 
feet,  and  behold  a  great  fish  suddenly  leaped  out,  and  would  have 
SAvallowed  (devoured)  him,  (3)  and  he  was  afraid,  and  cried  out  with 
a  loud  voice,  and  said:  My  Lord, ||  save  me  from  this  great  fish.H 

2  (5)  And  the  angel  said  to  him  :  open  it  and  take  out  its  heart, 
gall,  and  liver,  and  lay  them  out  safely,  for  they  will  serve  thee  as 

*  J.  (20)  Omitted  here  :  and  the  angel  said  to  him,  I  will  lead  thy  son  safe 
and  bring  him  to  thee  again  safe. 

+  J-  (23-25)  Different.  {23)  And  when  they  were  departed,  his  mother  began 
to  weep,  and  to  say  :  Thou  hast  taken  the  statT  of  our  age,  and  sent  him  away 
from  us.  (24)  I  wish  the  money  for  which  thou  hast  sent  him,  had  never  been. 
(25)  For  our  poverty  was  sufficient  for  us,  that  we  might  account  it  as  riches  that 
we  saw  our  son. 

X  Jer.  adds  :  our  son  will  arrive  thither  safe  and  will  return  safe  to  us  and  thy 
eyes  shall  see  him. 

§  J.  (28)  omitted  here,  "at  these  words  his  mother  ceased  weeping  and  held 
her  peace." 

I!  Diff.  in  J  :  My  Lord  (Sir),  he  cometh  upon  me. 

1'  J.  (4)  omitted  here.  (4)  And  the  angel  said  to  him,  take  him  by  the  gill, 
and  draw  him  to  thee.  And  when  he  had  done  so,  he  drew  him  out  upon  the 
land,  and  he  began  to  pant  before  his  feet. 

266 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

medicine.  3  (6)  And  he  took  hold  of  the  fish  and  divided  it  in  the 
roidst,  and  they  ate  one  half,  and  the  other  they  made  into  provisions 
for  the  journey,  till  they  came  to  Dage  (Rage)  in  the  land  of  Madai. 
.4  (7)  And  the  lad  asked  the  angel,  to  what  use  is  the  heart  and 
the  liver  and  the  gall  which  we  have  put  up  safely  ?  5  (8)  And  he 
answered  and  said :  take  the  heart  to  drive  away  evil  spirits  from 
man  or  woman,  if  you  burn  it  on  fire.*  6  (10)  And  the  lad  asked 
him:  where  shall  we  lodge  to-night?  (11)  And  he  said:  [in  the  city 
of  Rage].  7  Behold  [in  this  town]  there  is  a  good  man  whose  name 
is  Reuel,  of  thy  father's  family,  and  he  has  neither  son  nor  daughter 
but  one  single  daughter,!  (12)  and  she  inherits  all  the  substance  of 
her  father,  (13)  and  when  you  come  there,  ask  her  father  for  her, 
for  he  will  not  withhold  her  from  thee.  8  (14)  And  Tobiyah 
answered  and  said  :  [hear  me,  and  so  may  God  hear  thee!]  9  [I 
have  heard,  and  my  belly  trembled.]  I  heard  [from  many  who 
uttered  slander]  that  she  had  been  given  in  marriage  to  seven 
husbands,  and  the  first  night  on  their  going  in  to  her,  Ashmedai, 
king  of  the  evil  spirits,  came  in  the  middle  of  the  night  and 
killed  them.  10  (15)  Therefore  I  hold  back,  and  am  afraid  lest 
(the  same  thing  should  happen  to  me)  as  to  one  of  them.  I  am 
young,  and  an  only  son  to  my  father  and  mother,  and  if  the  same 
thing  should  happen  to  me,  I  should  bring  down  their  gray  hairs 
with  blood  to  the  grave.  II  (16)  And  the  angel  said  to  him  :  be 
not  affrighted  nor  be  thou  dismayed,  nor  let  thy  heart  faint,  for 
I  will  show  thee  how  to  drive  him  away  from  thee.  12  (17)  Know 
that  all  these  men  who  were  killed  were  not  suited  (or  fit)  for 
her  that  any  seed  should  come  from  them,  therefore  has  the 
demon  killed  them.J  13  (18)  But  thou  shalt  do  what  I  command 
thee  :  be  together  with  her  in  one  chamber  three  days  and  three 
nights,  and  do  not  approach  her.§  14  (19)  And  every  night  thou 
shalt  burn  the  liver  on  the  fire  [and  fumigate  the  bed  on  which  you 
will  lie],  and  the  demon  will  fly  away.     15  (20)  On  the  first  night. 


*  J-  (9)  omitted  here.  (9)  And  the  gall  is  good  for  anointing  the  eyes  in  which 
there  is  a  white  speck,  and  they  shall  be  cured. 

t  (12  and  13)  somewhat  different  in  J. 

J  (17)  Diff.  in  J.  :  For  they  who  in  such  manner  receive  matrimony  as  to  shut 
-out  God  from  themselves  and  from  their  mind,  and  to  give  themselves  to  their 
lust,  as  the  horse  and  mule,  which  have  no  understanding,  over  them  the  devil  hath 
power. 

§  J.  adds  :  And  give  thyself  to  nothing  else  but  to  prayers  with  her. 

267 


Dec.  I]  SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCILEOLOGY.  [1896. 

remember  the  names  of  the  holy  patriarchs,*  (21)  on  the  second^ 
pray  to  God  that  good  men  may  come  from  you.t  16  (22)  And  on 
the  third  night,  about  the  time  of  the  cock-crowing,  do  thy  will  with 
the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  he  will  bless  thee.J 

VII.  I  (i)  And  they  went  into  the  house  of  Reuel,  and  he 
rejoiced  very  much,  (2)  and  he  kissed  Tobiyah,  and  said  to  his  wife 
Ednah  :  behold  how  like  he  is  to  the  good  man  Tobi.  2  (3)  And 
she  [his  wife]  said  :  who  are  ye,  and  whence  do  you  come?  (4)  And 
he  said  :  from  the  land  of  Naphtali,  of  the  captivity  in  Nineveh. 
3  (5)  And  Reuel  said  to  them  :  do  you  know  my  brother  Tobi  ?' 
[And  the  angel  said  :]  we  know  him  (6),^  and  this  young  man  is 
his  son,  and  his  name  is  Tobiyah.  4  (7)  And  Reuel  went  and  fell 
upon  his  face  and  kissed  him  and  wept  upon  his  neck.  5  And  he 
said  :  blessed  be  thou  of  the  Lord,  for  thou  art  the  son  of  a  good 
man.  (8)  And  they  came,  Ednah  his  wife  (and  his  daughter),  and 
they  wept  over  him.  (9)  And  they  prepared  a  feast,  and  they  killed 
a  young  goat  and  sat  down  to  dinner.  6  (10)  And  Tobiyah  said  : 
Uncle  !  [I  ask  a  great  request  of  thee;  I  pray  thee,  my  lord,  deny 
me  not.] II  7  Consent  now  to  give  me  thy  daughter  for  a  wife  [it  is 
better  that  you  should  give  her  to  me,  than  that  you  should  give  her 
to  another  man,  as  I  am  thy  flesh  and  thy  bone.]  8  (11)  And 
Reuel  was  terrified,  and  he  was  afraid  lest  he  should  die  as  those- 
men  died  through  her,  and  he  kept  his  mouth  with  a  bridle. 
9  (12)  And  the  angel  said:  be  not  afraid,  as  fortune  has  come, 
and  in  the  name  of  God,  give  her  to  him,  for  the  others  were  not 
appointed  unto  her,  and  this  one  is  appointed.  10  (13)^  And 
Reuel  answered  :  oh,  would  that  it  were  as  thou  sayest  !  **   [may 

*'  J.  (20)  :  But  the  second  night  thou  shall  be  admitted  into  the  society 
of  the  holy  patriarchs. 

t  J.  (21)  On  the  third  night  thou  shalt  obtain  a  blessing,  that  sound  cliildren 
may  be  born  of  you. 

X  J.  (22)  And  when  the  third  night  is  past,  thou  shalt  take  the  virgin  with  the 
fear  of  the  Lord,  moved  rather  for  love  of  children  than  for  lust,  that  in  the  seed  of 
Abraham  thou  mayest  obtain  a  blessing  in  children. 

§  J.  (6)  reads  :  And  when  he  was  speaking  many  good  things  of  him,  the  angel 
said  to  Raguel,  Tobias,  concerning  whom  thou  inquirest,  is  this  young  man's  father. 

II  J.  adds,  I  will  not  eat  nor  drink  this  day  unless  thou,  etc. 

^  J-  (13)  reads,  I  doubt  not  but  God  hath  regarded  my  prayers  and  tears  in 
his  sight. 

**  J.  (14)  omitted  : — And  I  believe  he  hath  therefore  made  you  come  to  me,, 
that  this  maid  might  be  married  to  one  of  her  own  kindred  according  to  the 
law  of  Moses  ;  and  now  doubt  not,  but  I  will  give  her  to  thee  ! 

268 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

the  Lord  God  of  Israel  make  their  house  to  be  Hke  the 
house  of  Perez,  and  fulfil  the  wishes  of  their  heart  and  their 
desire  for  good]  (15)  and  the  God  of  our  fathers  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob  be  with  them  and  command  his  blessing  upon  both  of 
you.  II  (16)  And  the  elders  of  the  town  gathered  themselves 
together  there,  and  they  wrote  the  things  down,  (17)  and  they 
blessed  God,  the  bridegroom,  and  the  bride,  and  they  ate  and  made 
merry. 

I  VIII.  (i)  And  it  came  to  pass  after  that,  that  they  went  both 
into  the  inner  chamber.  2  (2)  And  Tobiyah  remembered  the  words 
of  the  angel,  and  he  took  the  liver  and  laid  it  upon  burning  coals, 
and  the  smoke  thereof  ascended.  (3)  And  the  angel  took  the  demon 
•and  bound  him  and  sent  him  into  the  desert  which  is  before  Egypt. 
3  (4)  And  Tobiyah  said  to  Sarah  :  arise,  and  let  us  pray  to  God 
to-night,  and  the  following  night,  and  on  the  third  night  we  shall  be 
in  wedlock.  (5)  For  we  are  children  of  saints,  and  we  must  not 
•walk  in  the  statutes  of  the  nations  that  are  round  about  us.  4  (6)  So 
they  both  arose  and  prayed  with  reverence  before  God,  [and  they 
poured  out  their  heart  in  prayer  (supplication)  before  God]. 
5  (7)  *And  Tobiyah  said  :  blessed  art  thou,  O  Lord  our  God,  king 
of  the  universe,  who  has  created  gladness  and  joy,  bridegroom  and 
bride.  [6  (8)  Blessed  art  thou,  O  Lord,  King  of  the  universe,  who 
has  created  man  after  thy  own  image  and  likeness,  and  who  hast 
given  him  from  the  strength  of  thy  power  to  know  thee  and  to  serve 
thee.]  7  Thou  hast  given  him  a  helpmeet  for  him,  and  thou  hast 
commanded  them  to  be  fruitful  and  to  multiply  their  offspring  in  the 
midst  of  the  land.f  8  [Lord  over  all,  creator  of  all,  mighty  over  all, 
who  searches  all,  he  is  all  powerful  and  exalted  over  all,  all  give 
song  unto  him,  he  establishes  law  and  commandment  for  all,  he 
is  good  to  all,  righteous  and  just  to  all,  all  powerful;  all  give  him 
praise,  he  sustains  all,  he  answers  all,  he  delivers  all  the  captives, 
he  is  just  and  gracious  to  all,  the  Lord  is  nigh  unto  all,  the 
Lord  is  merciful  and  his  mercies  are  over  all ;  all  give  hymn 
unto  him,  his  name  supports  all.  9  God  of  gods,  and  Lord 
of    lords  !    merciful    has    thy    name    been    called    from    eternity ; 

*  J,  (7  and  8)  reads :  And  Tobias  said,  Lord  God  of  our  fathers,  may  the 
heavens  and  the  earth,  and  the  sea  and  the  fountains,  and  the  rivers,  and  all  thy 
creatures  that  are  in  them,  bless  thee.  (8)  Thou  madest  Adam  of  the  slime  of  the 
earth,  and  gavest  him  Eve  for  a  helper. 

t  J.  (7-10)  correspond  in  our  text  to  (5-25)- 

269 


Dec.  i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY,  [1896* 

remember  us  according  to  thy  loving  kindness  and  mercy,  for  they 
have  been  ever  of  old.  10  And  remember  for  me  the  pious 
acts  of  my  father  Tobi,  who  walked  before  thee  in  piety  and  truth  ; 
save  me  and  rebuke  the  Satan  so  that  he  should  not  touch  us 
or  hurt  us.  II  Give  me  from  this  woman  seed  of  men,  that  our 
offspring  may  know  thy  name  and  study  thy  law,  and  it  shall 
be  known  among  the  nations  that  thou  art  the  Lord  and  no  other. 
12  Then  hear  thou  in  heaven  my  prayer,  as  thou  hast  heard  the 
prayer  of  our  holy  fathers,  the  saints,  the  prayer  of  Abraham  in 
Ur  Kasdim,  and  the  prayer  of  Isaac  on  the  Mount  Moriah,  and 
the  prayer  of  Jacob  in  Bethel,  and  the  prayers  of  all  the  just ;  and 
put  my  tears  into  thy  bottle.  Let  the  words  of  my  mouth,  and  the 
meditation  of  my  heart  be  acceptable  in  thy  sight,  O  Lord,  my  rock 
and  my  redeemer.*  13  And  Sarah  prayed  and  said  :  The  Lord,  the 
Lord  is  a  god  full  of  compassion,  and  gracious,  slow  to  anger,  and 
abundant  in  mercy  and  truth ;  keeping  mercy  for  the  thousands  of 
those  who  keep  his  laws  and  commandments.  14  O  Lord,  thou 
alone  art  one,  and  there  is  no  second  beside  thee  ;  who  is  like  unto 
thee,  who  can  be  likened  unto  thee,  who  can  be  compared  with  thee  ? 
there  is  no  other  save  thee,  and  there  is  none  beside  thee,  and  there 
is  none  to  be  equalled  to  thee.  15  Thou  hast  created  everything, 
and  there  is  no  forgetfulness  before  thee  ;  therefore  the  hearts 
believe  that  thou  art  one,  wondrous  in  all  thy  ways,  hidden  from 
every  eye  and  no  eye  can  see  thee.  Thou  hast  been  before  the 
world  came  into  existence,  and  after  its  destruction  thou  wilt  be, 
and  thy  years  shall  have  no  end.  16  Lo  !  the  host  of  heavens  were 
made  by  thy  word,  and  thy  hand  was  not  in  their  creation  ;  thou 
didst  call  them,  and  they  all  stood  forth  ;  in  thy  hand  is  the  power 
and  might  to  destroy  them,  and  to  change  them  and  to  restore  them 
to  their  original  state.  VJ  In  thy  hand  is  life  and  good  ;  thou  hast 
created  this  world  to  try  man  by  the  statutes  and  judgments  which 
thou  hast  given  to  them.  And  the  world  to  come  thou  hast  created 
for  tliy  pious  men — those  that  love  thee  and  keep  thy  covenant — 
and  hell  thou  hast  prepared  of  old  for  the  abominable  and  for  those 
who  dealt  treacherously  with  thee.  19  And  thou  art  the  Lord  who 
hast  chosen  the  seed  of  Jesurun  from  among  all  the  nations  which 

*  J.  (9)  reads  instead  :  And  now,  O  Lord,  thou  knowest  not  for  fleshly  hist  do 
I  tal<e  my  sister  to  wife,  but  only  for  the  love  of  posterity,  in  which  thy  name 
may  be  blessed  for  ever  and  ever. 

270 


Dec.  i]  proceedings.  [1S96. 

are  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  hast  performed  (wrought)  signs 
and  wonders  in  the  face  of  all  those  who  stood  up  against  them. 
20  And  now,  oh  Lord,  oh  king,  full  of  mercy,  give  ear  to  my  prayer, 
and  hold  not  thy  peace  at  my  tears,  as  thou  hast  listened  to  the 
prayer  of  our  mother  Sara ;  when  she  prayed  to  thee  because  of  her 
handmaid  Hagar,  and  to  the  prayer  of  Rebecca  when  the  children 
struggled  together  within  her ;  21  and  to  the  prayer  of  Rachel,  the 
mother  of  children,  who  was  the  barren  woman  in  the  house  at  the 
time  when  her  sister  provoked  her  sore ;  thou  didst  open  her 
womb,  and  she  bare  children  that  are  standing  in  thy  courts  to  serve 
thee.  22  And  the  prayer  of  the  prophetess  Miriam,  and  the  prayer  of 
the  wife  of  Elqanah,  when  her  rival  provoked  her  sore,  in  order  to 
make  her  fret,  thou  appointedst  a  son  from  her  to  be  a  prophet, 
to  stand  before  thee  and  to  minister  unto  thee,  so  may  my  prayer 
ascend  as  a  pleasure  before  thee,  and  may  I  be  worthy  of  this  man, 
and  send  us  of  thy  blessings.  23  And  rebuke  the  Satan  that  he 
should  not  touch  my  lord,  and  not  stand  at  his  right  hand  to  be  his 
adversary.  24  Therefore  we  praise  thee,  O  Lord  our  God,  for  all 
thy  miracles  and  numberless  wonderful  things,  for  heaven  and  the 
heaven  of  heavens  cannot  contain  thee,  still  less  is  man  able  to- 
investigate  one  of  them.  25  Who  can  utter  thy  mighty  acts,  and 
show  forth  all  thy  praises  ;  thou  art  exalted  as  head  above  all,  and 
extolled  over  all  blessing.]* 

*  Instead  of  vv.  13-25.  J.  reads  :  (10)  Sarah  also  said,  Have  mercy  on  us, 
O  Lord,  have  mercy  on  us,  and  let  us  grow  old  both  together  in  health. 

{To  be  continued.) 


271 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 

A   STELE   OF   THE   XIIIth    DYNASTY. 
By  W.  E.  Crum. 

The  British  Museum  has  recently  acquired  a  limestone  monu- 
ment (No.  1 163)  from  "Thebes,"  of  considerable  interest.  In  the 
first  place,  its  form  is  very  unusual ;  it  is  a  stele  in  the  shape  of  a 
thin  cone  with  four  flat  faces.  Its  height  is  2  ft.  4  in.  ; 
the  width  of  each  of  the  broad  faces  is  i  ft.  3  in.  at 
the  base,  but  tapering  to  a  point  at  the  top ;  the 
width  of  each  narrow  face  is  9  in.  Above  the  inscrip- 
tions there  is,  upon  every  face,  a  blank  space  of  4 
or  5  in. ;  below,  a  like  space  of  some  8  in.  The 
inscriptions  on  the  two  narrow  faces  (C  and  D,  belo-iv) 
were  coloured  ;  the  hieroglyphics  blue,  the  male  figure  red  with  a 
blue  collar,  the  female  yellow.  On  the  sides  A  and  B  neither  texts 
nor  pictures  were  coloured. 

Secondly,  the  king's  name  which  the  stele  bears  —  that  of 
Sbkmsaf  II — is  a  very  rare  one,  hitherto  known  to  us  only  from  the 
Abbott  and  Amherst  papyri,  which  tell  of  the  king's  tomb  at  Thebes.* 

Thirdly,  the  texts  contain  a  hymn  to  the  sun-god,  very  short 
indeed,  but  employing  formulae  not  to  be  found,  so  far  as  I  can 
recollect,  upon  any  of  the  monuments  of  the  Middle  Kingdom. 

Finally,  the  unusual  manner  of  depicting  certain  of  the  offerings 
may  be  noticed.  On  A,  above  the  table  on  which  lie  the  smaller 
gifts,  an  inverted  lotus  blossom  with  long,  wide  open  petals,  is 
suspended,  while  on  each  side  of  its  stalk  hangs  a  goose,  head 
downwards,  somewhat  in  the  style  of  those  decorated  columns  which 
were  fashionable  at  Tell  el-Amarna. 

The  following  are  the  texts,  of  which  the  signs  are  roughly  cut, 
and  here  and  there  ambiguous.  Sometimes  they  are  obviously  in 
need  of  correction. 

A,  I 


5-  -Ci 


q  >?  a      t*o=^  tV    I  I  I 


V.  Petrie,  History,  I,  223. 
272 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1S96. 

Below,  a  man  and  woman  stand  before  the  table  of  offerings,  with 
the  inscriptions  f^^Q^^^  and  ^^|l:^|^?|- 

The  first  words  should  read  [\\%kW^'  ^    1    ^ 

(Mon.  div.,  2']b),  and  show  that  the  monument  was  a  complimentary 
gift  from  the  king.  Thej^  are  not  found  thus  before  the  end  of  the 
Middle  Kingdom.  Are  we  to  assume  from  line  2  that  a  temple  of 
Sobek  existed  at  Thebes  in  the  time  of  the  Xlllth  dynasty?  The 
words  'Inpw  htp  siv  appear  to  be  a  parenthetic  ejaculation,  "  May 
Anubis  rest  him ! "  {or  Imperative).  After  the  owner's  name, 
Sbkhtp,  begins  the  hymn  to  the  rising  sun,  which,  though  it  contains 
no  uncommon  words,  I  will  not  venture  to  translate. 

B.  I.  ^  ^  1      ^    ^    2.  Yt  -^  : 


M?^iSlT-,^fc^P^]rk 


5-0- 


[O] 


^^\z.r^-[^ 


Below,  a  man  and  boy  before  the  table  of  offerings.      The  man's 

designation  is  in  line  7.     The  boy  is  ^^  ^jl^-^   tji(S|  H  J  J>=2i.  ^  ^  • 

The  text  continues  the  hymn,  now  to  the  setting  sun  ;  "  Praise  to 
thee,  Re'  Harmachis  on  the  west  of  heaven  !  To  thee  is  given 
(?  rdliw  *)  eternity  for  food,  the  ages  for  drink.  The  two  lands  are 
fair  the  day  that  thou  shinest  as  Re',  lord  of  the  horizon,!  as  Thoth, 
lord  of  Hermopolis.  Thou  king  of  heaven,  guide  of  the  two  lands 
that  are  at  peace  and  beloved  (of  thee),  give  peace  X  to  the  temple- 
scribe  Sbkhtp."  I  cannot  identify  the  word  (1.1.  3,  4)  for  "drink," 
and  the  signs  '.  ;;;  !  which  come  after  it  might  be  as  well  read  '^!lZZk 
I  do  not  know  whether  r"  can  at  this  period  be  used  for  "  day." 
The  grammatical  forms  in  the  phrases  following  are  difficult  to 
determine.  A  translation  too  which  would  make  Thoth  a  sun-god 
is  very  questionable. 

*  But  V.  Max  Miiller,  A.Z.,  XXIX,  89,  note. 

t  The  second  nb  superfluous  ?.       X  This  trunslation  requires  rather  shtpzv. 

273  U 


Dec.   i] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY. 


[1896. 


c.  1; 


fAII^At 


o 


cics'k 


v.^  v^ 


o   n 


1 


•ip: 


0 


^ 
^ 


U    ^^/&////  and 


O     -CF^  ■      I      I  I     I  I  I    ciDci    I 

his  wife.     To  their  names  is  added  that  of  S.'s  father ; 

J  "^s^^ fl.     The  phrase  rd!/  l/j,  etc.,  is  the  abbreviation  of  the 

frequent  formula  rd!/  Ih  in  pt  hr  R\  etc.  {e.g.,  Sharpe,  93).     The 
preposition  m  hr  seems  here  to  mean  "accompanied  by,"  //'/.  "in 

presence  of."     The  stroke  after    |  slwuld  perhaps  be  I  . 
D.  The  royal  names,  etc.,  as  on  C.     Then,    i.    I   A 


iC^ 


%  o 


■^■ft\ 


t^vtisk^n 


r^^ 


Below  this,  S.  and  his  wife 


with  their  names  and  that  of  S.'s  mother 


^Pl 


With  this  name  may  be  compared  the  use  of  Alr.hvhtp  as  feminine. 
In  line  2  read  ;//  hrt  hrw  nti  r  71b.     In  line  3  read  nfrt  ivrt. 


P.S. —  A  fresh  collation  suggests  A.  2 


instead  of  htpsiv  with 


the   translation    "the   temple  of  Sobek   and   Anubis — this   is   it," 
implying,  I  suppose,  that  the  stele  stood  in  that  temple. 

Also,  B.  6  _fl^   is  more   probable,   though  it  is  difficult  to 

o   D  I II 
see  the  signs. 

274 


Dec.  i]  proceedings.  L»896. 

MORE  FRAGMENTS   OF  THE  PALESTINIAN   SYRIAC 
VERSION   OF  THE   HOLY   SCRIPTURES. 

{Continued.) 
By  the  Rev.  G.  Margoliouth. 


GENESIS   II.  4-19. 

f<^n.^CL^:T   f^\  ^  \  fin   ocn   ^ncn      foi  30% 


r<Ocn   :u^     :f<L^ir<^:vc 

f^.^ir^':!   r^=iai^   mia2kO   :r^2^ir<^ 

yjUL:sn  r^ocna   :f<^ii<'  ^:»  jAjqs 


t 


.*M   jjcvrsi 


:^1a.^:t  ):Maz^  >ciii»<l3  jjl^IO  :r<^^f^ 
:r^li.»j  ta2^:X  73nr<'  T<2A'ia+  aa.^^f<o  foi  30* 

275 


U  2 


Fol.  zi' 


Dec.  i]  SOCIETY   OF   BIBLICAL   ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896- 

:^xZai  f<1^2if<'\  r<bcT30  Ta'i^:M  acn 
OCT3  ^^:t  '^cuor<^;i  f<l^ir<^  caici^ 

cn.^a.kJLO  :  jl.cl^:t  r<l^ir<^  craXcvjIlA 

r<^icTxAO    :^^lClJQ9    XcLn..i3C\X    \^\r^ 
r^^:so  •a.fiaia    -z^-^o^  con  r^,ft.Sa*iii5 

r^'\:so  cdoxa  ma^o  :  cr^  -jibVl^TaQ  crA  i6 

*  Originally  poJtoK'O;  see  note.  '  I.e.  EiietAar  =  nb'in. 

276 


13 


14 


n 


i8 


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277 


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278 


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279 


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Dec.  i]  society  OF   BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY.  [i89<5- 

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281 


EEC.  i]  SOCIETY   OF   BIBLICAL   ARCHAEOLOGY.  [1896. 

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283 


Dec.  i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHEOLOGY.  [1896. 

Translation. 

Gen.  ii,  4-19. 

V.  4.  This  is  the  book  of  the  creation  of  heaven  and  earth, 
when  the  day  was  on  which  the  Lord  God  made  heaven  and  earth. 

V.  5.  And  no  green  thing  of  the  field  was  yet  upon  the  earth, 
and  no  herb  of  the  earth  had  yet  sprung  up ;  for  the  Tord  God  had 
not  caused  rain  to  rain  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  there  was  no 
man  that  he  should  till  the  earth. 

V.  6.  But  a  well  was  rising  up  from  the  earth,  and  was  watering 
the  whole  face  of  the  earth. 

V.  7.  And  the  Lord  God  formed  the  man  Adam  of  the  dust  of 
the  earth,  and  he  blew  into  his  nostrils  the  breath  of  life,  and  the 
man  Adam  became  a  living  soul. 

V.  8.  And  the  Lord  God  planted  a  paradise  in  Eden  in  front  on 
the  east  side,  and  he  placed  there  the  man  Adam  whom  he  had 
formed. 

V.  9.  And  the  Lord  God  caused  again  to  grow  every  tree  that  is 
pleasing  for  sight  and  good  for  eating ;  and  the  tree  of  life  in  the 
middle  of  the  paradise,  and  the  tree  of  understanding  the  knowledge 
of  good  and  evil. 

V.  10.  And  a  river  was  issuing  from  Eden  that  it  may  water  the 
paradise,  and  from  thence  it  divided  [itself],  and  became  into  four 
heads. 

V,  II.  The  name  of  one  is  Pison  ;  this  is  it  which  encircles  the 
whole  land  of  Olot,  where  there  is  gold. 

V.  12.  And  the  gold  of  that  land  is  good,  and  there  is  the 
carbuncle  and  the  emerald. 

V.  13.  And  the  name  of  the  second  river  is  Gihon  ;  this  is  it 
which  encircles  the  whole  land  of  Gush. 

V.  14.  And  the  name  of  the  third  river  is  Hiddekel ;  this  is  it 
which  goes  in  the  direction  of  the  Syrians  ;  and  the  fourth  river 
is  the  Euphrates. 

V.  15.  And  the  Lord  God  took  the  man  Adam  whom  he  had 
formed,  and  he  placed  him  into  the  paradise  of  Eden  that  he 
should  dress  it  and  keep  it. 

V.   16.  And   the   Lord  God  commanded  Adam  and  said  unto 

him,  Of  all  the  trees  that  are  in  the  paradise  eating  mayest  thou  eat. 

V.  17.  But  of  the  tree  of  understanding  the  knowledge  of  good 

284 


Dec.  i]  proceedings.  [1S96. 

and  evil,  thou  shall  not  eat  of  it;  for  on  the  day  on  which  thou 
eatest  thereof  dying  shalt  thou  die. 

V.  18.  And  the  Lord  God  said,  that  behold  it  is  not  good  that 
the  man  Adam  should  be  alone,  but  let  us  make  him  a  helper  like 
unto  him. 

V.  19.  And  the  Lord  formed  again  from  the  earth  every  beast  of 
the  field,  and  every  fowl  of  heaven,  and  he  brought  them  to  Adam 
that  he  may  see  what  he  would  call  them,  and  everything  that 
Adam  called  them  a  living  soul  that  was  its  name.* 

*  The  above  is  the  "  verbatim  "  rendering  of  the  latter  part  of  the  verse  ;  the 
meaning  appears  to  be  "and  whatsoever  Adam  called  every  living  creature  that 
was  its  name." 

( To  be  continued.) 


285 


Dec  I] 


SOCIETY  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCHAEOLOGY. 


[1896. 


The  Anniversary  Meeting  of  the  Society  will  be  held  at 
37,  Great  Russell  Street,  Bloomsbury,  W.C,  on  Tuesday,  12th 
January,  1897,  at  8  p.m.,  when  the  usual  business  will  be 
transacted. 


286 


Dec.  I]  PROCEEDINGS.  [1896. 


THE  FOLLOWING  BOOKS  ARE  REQUIRED  FOR  THE 
LIBRARY  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 


Members  having  duplicate  copies,  ivill  confer  a  favour  by  presenting  them  to  the 

Society. 

Alker,  E.,  Die  Chronologie  der  Bucher  der  Konige  und  Paralipomenon  im 
Einklang  mit  der  Chronologie  der  Aegypter,  Assyrer,  Babylonier  und  Meder. 

Amelineau,  Histoire  du  Patriarche  Copte  Isaac. 

Contes  de  I'Egypte  Chretienne. 

La  Morale  Egyptienne  quinze  siecles  avant  notre  ere. 

Amiaud,  La  Legende  Syriaque  de  Saint  Alexis,  I'homme  de  Dieu. 

A.,  AND  L.  Mechineau,  Tableau  Compare  des  Ecritures  Babyloniennes 

et  Assyriennes. 

Mittheilungen  aus  der  Sammlung  der  Papyrus  Erzherzog  Rainer.    2  parts. 


Baethgen,  Beitrage  zur  Semitischen  Religiongeshichte.     Der  Gott  Israels  und 

die  Gotter  der  Heiden. 
Blass,  a.  F.,  Eudoxi  ars  Astronomica  qualis  in  Charta  Aeg}-ptiaca  superest. 
Botta,  Monuments  de  Ninive.     5  vols.,  folio.     1847-1850. 

Brugsch-Bey,    Geographische    Inschriften   Altaegyptische    Denkmaeler.     Vol. 
I— III  (Brugsch). 

Recueil  de  Monuments  Egyptiens,  copies  sur  lieux  et  publics  pas 

H.  Brugsch  et  J.  Diimichen.     (4  vols.,  and  the  text  by  Dumichen 
of  vols.  3  and  4. ) 
Budinger,    M.,   De    Colonarium    quarundam    Phoeniciarum    primordiis    cum 

Hebraeorum  exodo  conjunctis. 
Burckhardt,  Eastern  Travels. 

Cassel,  Paulus,  Zophnet  Paneach  Aegyptische  Deutungen. 
Chabas,  Melanges  Egyptologiques.     Series  I,  III.     1862-1873. 
Dumichen,  Historische  Inschriften,  &c.,  ist  series,  1867. 

2nd  series,  1S69. 

Altaegyptische  Kalender-Inschriften,  1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften,  1862.     2  vols.,  folio. 


Ebers,    G.,    Papyrus   Ebers. 

Erman,  Papyrus  Westcar. 

Etudes  Egyptologiques.     1 3  vols.,  complete  to  1880. 

Gayet,  E.,  Steles  de  la  XII  dynastie  au  JMusee  du  Louvre. 

Golenischeff,  Die  Metternichstele.     Folio,  1877. 

Vingt-qualre  Tablettes  Cappadociennes  de  la  Collection  de. 

Grant-Bey,  Dr.,  The  Ancient  Egyptian  Religion  and  the  Influence  it  exerted 

on  the  Religions  that  came  in  contact  with  it. 
Haupt,  Die  Sumerischen  Familiengesetze. 
Hommel,  Dr.,  Geschichte  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens.     1S92. 


Dec.  i]  society  OF  BIBLICAL  ARCH.EOLOGV.  [1896. 

Jastrow,  M.,  a  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  "Dibbarra"  Epic. 

Jensen,  Die  Kosmologie  der  Babylonier. 

Jeremias,  Tyrus  bis  zur  Zeit  Nubukadnezar's  Geschichtliche  Skizze  mit  beson- 

derer  Berucksichtigung  der  Keilschriftlichen  Quellen. 
Joachim,  H.,  Papyros  Ebers,  das  Alteste  Buch  iiber  Heilkunde. 
Johns  Hopkins  University.     Contributions  to  Assyriology  and  Comparative 

Semitic  Philology. 
Krebs,  F.  ,  De  Chnemothis  nomarchi  inscriptione  Aegyptiaca  commentatio. 
Lederer,  Die  Biblische   Zeitrechnung   vom   Auszuge   aus   Aegypten   bis   zum 

Beginne  der  Babylonische    Gefangenschaft  mit   Berichsichtignung  der   Re- 

sultate  der  Assyriologie  und  der  Aegyptologie. 
Ledrain,  Les  Monuments  Egyptiens  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale. 
LEFfeBURE,  Le  Mythe  Osirien.     2'"^  partie.      "Osiris." 

Legrain,  G. ,  Le  Livre  des  Transformations.     Papyrus  demotique  du  Louvie. 
Lehmann,    Samassumukin   Konig  von    Babylonien   668   vehr,   p.    xiv,    173. 

47  plates. 
Lepsius,  Nubian  Grammar,  &c.,  18S0. 
Maruchi,  Monumenta  Papyracea  Aegyptia. 
MiJLLER,  D.  H.,  Epigraphische  Denkmiiler  aus  Arabien. 
NooRDTZiG,    Israel's   verblijf  in    Egypte  bezien  int  licht  der   Egyptische  out- 

dekkingen. 
POGNON,  Les  Inscriptions  Babyloniennes  du  Wadi  Brissa. 
Rawlinson,  Canon,  6th  Ancient  Monarchy. 
ROBIOU,  Croyances  de  I'Egypte  a  I'epoque  des  Pyramides. 

Recherches  sur  le  Calendrier  en  Egypte  et  sur  le  chronologie  des  Lagides. 

Sainte  Marie,  Mission  a  Carthage. 

Sarzec,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee. 

ScHAEFFER,  Commentationes  de  papyro  medicinali  Lipsiensi. 

ScHOUW,  Charta  papyracea  graece  scripta  Musei  Borgiani  Velitris. 

SCHROEDER,  Die  Phonizische  Sprache. 

Strauss  and  Torney,  Der  Altagyptishe  Gotterglaube. 

ViREY,    P.,    Quelques    Observations    sur    I'Episode    d'Aristee,    a   propos   d'un 

Monument  Egyptien. 
VissER,  I.,  Hebreeuwsche  Archaeologie.     Utrecht,  1891. 
Walther,  J.,   Les  Decouvertes  de  Ninive  et  de   Babylone   au    point  de  vue 

biblique.     Lausanne,  1890. 
WiLCKEN,  M.,  Actenstiicke  aus  der  Konigl.  Bank  zu  Theben. 
WiLTZKE,  De  Biblische  Simson  der  Agyptische  PIorus-Ra. 
WiNCKLER,  Hugo,  Der  Thontafelfund  von  El  Amarna.     Vols.  I  and  II. 

Textbuch-Keilinschriflliches  zum  Alten  Testament. 

Weissleach,  F.  H.,  Die  Achaemeniden  Inschriften  Zweiter  Art. 

Wesseley,  C,  Die  Pariser  Papyri  des  Fundes  von  El  Fajum. 

Zeitsch.  der  Deutschen  Morgenl.   Gesellsch.,  Vol.   I,   1847  ;    Vols.   IV  to  XII, 

1850  to  1858,  inclusive  ;  Vol.  XX  to  Vol.  XXXII,  1866  to  1878. 
ZiMMERN,  H.,  Die  Assyriologie  als  Hiilfsvk'issenschaft  fiir  das  Studium  des  Alten 

Testaments. 


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Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 


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Vice-Presidents, 

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Council, 


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